Scottish Government

6 The Cowgate Centre and EU8 Service-Users

6.1 Introduction

This section of the report presents a qualitative case study of EU8 nationals using the Cowgate Centre in Edinburgh ('Group B'). Qualitative research was undertaken to explore a number of areas, in order to supplement the questionnaire which was also used with the larger sample. The focus of the qualitative research was to ascertain the distinguishing characteristics of those EU8 individuals who experience rooflessness.

The research design focused initially on the extent to which EU8 migrants were seeking to access homelessness services. However, as the research progressed, it became clear that the proportion of EU8 migrants accessing homelessness services was lower than anticipated and the focus of the study was widened accordingly. Within the overall report, a case study was undertaken which focused on the Cowgate Centre to ascertain the particular needs and aspirations of EU8 migrants who had become homeless or who used the low cost and free facilities offered by this service.

The Cowgate Centre is funded within the City of Edinburgh Council's Homelessness Strategy to provide an integrated day and overnight service 365 days a year. Services provided in the Centre include shelter; low-cost and free food; laundry and washing facilities; advice, assistance, advocacy and referral to other services; a range of day time activities; and casework for the Centre's service users, many of whom have complex needs.

The Centre offers support and, where appropriate, shelter to all homeless people over 16, including those who are not entitled to statutory homelessness assistance and who have no recourse to public funds. A small minority of EU8 migrants have used the services of the Cowgate Centre (an estimate of approximately 670 individuals from May 2004-Dec 2006).

The profile of EU8 nationals using the Cowgate Centre, particularly the minority who use the Centre for longer periods, differs in a number of important respects from the overall sample of EU8 migrants in Edinburgh. In order to establish the particular characteristics of EU8 nationals using the Cowgate Centre, qualitative research was undertaken via interviews with Centre staff, and in-depth interviews with 17 EU8 service users at the Centre and in other frontline homelessness agencies (see appendix (v) for participating agencies). These interviews revealed that there are particular characteristics of this group; these are outlined in section 6.4.

6.2 Typical groupings of EU8 service-users at the Cowgate Centre

Staff at the Centre stated that the majority of EU8 nationals use the service for between two and six months. The length of stay varies according to the factors noted above, perhaps most significantly: age, education level and the user's command of English. Using interview responses and additional monitoring data (see section 6.3) provided by the Cowgate Centre, it was possible to group EU8 service users into four main "types" - with different profiles, patterns of use of the Centre and different support requirements.

a) Younger EU8 migrants using the service for a short period

Most EU8 service users access the Centre for a short period whilst securing employment and accommodation. Younger EU8 nationals (under age 40), who represent the majority, are more likely to possess relatively good English and manage to find work soon after arrival in Edinburgh. Members of this group use the night service for a short period, if at all.

b) Younger EU8 migrants with continued day time use

Some continue to use the Centre's day service after securing accommodation and employment to access the low-cost facilities and food provided by the Centre. Users also often return to the Centre for advice, information and assistance in completing forms. For some, the Centre also provides an important space for social contact.

c) Younger EU8 migrants who return for repeated short periods

A small proportion of those who have moved on after an initial period return to use the night service when their accommodation arrangements fail, often as a consequence of failing to find secure and sufficiently remunerated employment.

d) EU8 migrants staying for longer periods

A further sub-group experience significant difficulties in moving on from the Centre into employment and accommodation and, consequently, remain using both the night and day service for longer periods. The majority of individuals in this group are aged over 40, have relatively poor proficiency in English, and may have substance misuse and/or health difficulties.

Service users within this category may become dependent on homelessness services for extended periods. The progress of this latter group who use the night service over a period of months is further impeded by the fatigue that develops after several days of late nights, early mornings and disturbed sleep with the constant awareness of personal risk and lack of privacy. For a minority within this group, further difficulties develop, as a consequence of binge drinking and committing criminal offences (such as shoplifting and assault).

6.3 Numbers of EU8 migrants using the Cowgate Centre

The Centre's monitoring system includes both 'presentation data' and more detailed information on clients through the ECHO (Edinburgh Common Housing Outcomes) database.

'Presentation data' derives from recording the names and age band of all clients presenting at each shift. This data provides information on the number of 'client visits' on a spreadsheet. However, it is not interrogated via a database to establish the actual number of individuals using the service, nor to provide information on the overall frequency of use of the day and night services by service-users. Cowgate Centre management were therefore unable to provide a figure on the number of EU8 individuals using the Centre. This gap in numerical data has made it difficult to establish the patterns, length, and frequency of usage of the day and night services by EU8 nationals who have made an initial presentation to the Centre.

Data from ECHO pertains to service users who have been assessed by Centre staff through an initial interview. The numbers of EU8 nationals represented on ECHO does not reflect the overall number of EU8 service users for a number of reasons:

• Some have used the Centre sporadically and for brief visits and staff have been unable to complete an initial assessment
• Difficulty in communication with individuals, due to language barriers
• Some individuals are unwilling to assist the Centre's staff to complete a referral form

Estimates of the overall numbers of EU8 nationals can be made from presentation data recorded in 2006. Over an eight-month period (January to August 2006), 169 new EU8 service-users presented at the Centre: an average of 21 new presentations per month. Actual presentations ranged from 11 to 45 per month. This would translate to an estimated 672 EU8 individuals accessing the day and/or night service between May 2004 and December 2006.

Within this sample of 169 individuals who used the Centre over an eight-month period:

• 74 individuals had presented to the Centre for seven visits or less
• 63 had used the Centre between eight and 60 times
• 32 had used the service on more than 60 occasions

Client visits are recorded separately for the day and night services. This data, whilst not conclusive, supports the staff's observation that a small proportion of EU8 service users use the Centre on a daily basis for an extended period.

6.4 Characteristics and experiences of EU8 nationals using the Cowgate Centre

The research sample consisted of 17 EU8 nationals using services provided by the Cowgate Centre. All these respondents completed survey questionnaires and 12 took part in semi-structured interviews conducted in their native language. Interviewing people in vulnerable situations requires special skills and the only available person with such skills was a Polish speaker. This is why all 12 of the interviewees were Polish service-users of the Cowgate Centre. The interviews were conducted in May and June 2006.

EU8 nationals using the Centre tend to have one or more of the following characteristics, in comparison with the general survey of EU8 nationals:

• Lower proficiency in English
• A lack of knowledge of, and preparation for, living and working in the UK
• Insufficient funds on arrival
• A lower level of educational attainmen
• A lack of information on housing, employment and living conditions in Edinburgh
• A higher proportion of health problems

The greatest difficulties in securing employment and accommodation appear to have been experienced by a small group of individuals aged over 40 years old. Some individuals have used the Cowgate services for a number of months and have become highly dependent on frontline services for shelter and sustenance. These people have no employment and no entitlements to welfare benefits.

A small proportion of EU8 service-users at the Cowgate have acute mental health problems and addictions. Meeting their needs is complicated by communication problems and cultural differences. Risk assessment has proven to be almost impossible on first presentation. A number of incidents have occurred which raise concerns about criminal activity taking place outwith the Centre and the risk of violence to other services-users and to Cowgate staff. Language barriers have made it difficult to defuse violent or aggressive incidents. Whilst the individuals who appear to pose such a risk are a small minority of Cowgate's EU8 users, the management of this group has proven to be difficult for the Cowgates Centre's night service in particular.

Given that EU8 migrants generally only have entitlement to 'in-work' benefits, those out of employment face a real risk of destitution.

Nationality, gender and age breakdown of EU8 nationals using homelessness services in Edinburgh

All respondents from Group B were male since, at the time of our survey, no female service users from EU8 countries were using the Cowgate Centre. Only five female EU8 service users had accessed the Centre in the 12-month period preceding the research (out of a total of 250 EU8 service-users).

Group B consisted of 12 Poles, three Lithuanians, one Estonian and one Latvian. Most are young men: 11 of the 17 respondents were aged between 18-34 years; two were aged between 35-44 and four between 45-54.

Reasons for Group B EU8 nationals leaving their countries of origin

Our respondents from Group B gave the same reasons for leaving their countries of origin as we saw earlier for Group A. These reasons were:

• Need for improvement of their and their families' financial situation through working in the UK
• Achieving a higher standard of living
• Relatively high unemployment in their countries of origin
• Low wages combined with relatively high cost of living in their countries of origin
• Significant wage differential between the UK and home countries of EU8 nationals

One respondent told us:

Edinburgh was my planned destination. I came here because I need to support my family in Poland. My main aim is to find work. Low wages in Poland and high unemployment made me leave my country. Also, unemployed people are treated badly in Poland. I have not arranged anything here before I left Poland. I just came here to find work.
(Male, aged 36)

Among the respondents there seemed to be a tendency for men to leave their families to work abroad and, after establishing themselves here in employment, bring their children and partners over. Although there may be a different tendency for women, the data obtained for this study is not sufficient to allow for a comparison between genders.

Around half of Group B (nine out of 17) came to Edinburgh from other parts of the UK and, in some cases, from other EU countries. Those who travelled to Edinburgh from other parts of the UK and EU (the non- EU8 states) did so because they were unsuccessful in securing employment in those places or because they had been offered employment in Edinburgh. Some interviewees had recently started work, but were still using the night service since they lacked money for a deposit and rent. Their intention was to save some money and then find their own accommodation.

Knowledge of living and working in Edinburgh

Seven respondents within the sample of 17 had arrived in Edinburgh with no money or very little money. The cost of living in the UK has been underestimated by these interviewees. Four interviewees arrived in Edinburgh with no money, three came with no more than £30, three had £200 - £300, and one respondent arrived with £800. Lack of funds on arrival for individuals with few other options is clearly an important contributory factor to the homelessness of Group B respondents. However, others within the sample, who were relatively well-resourced financially, also found themselves as homeless for other reasons.

Few respondents fully understood their rights and obligations in the UK. Group B comprised of three broad groups in this respect:

• Those with no knowledge of rights/obligations

I had no knowledge about my rights and obligations. I just came to see how it goes.
(Male, aged 26)

• Those with some knowledge, but not necessarily any great expectations that there would be statutory help available

I found out about the Home Office ( WRS) and welfare benefits from various websites. I did not have any huge expectation as to help that I may get. I thought I would manage fine without any help.
(Male, aged 22)

• Those with some knowledge before arriving in Edinburgh, but whose expectations turned out to be overly optimistic

I was reading up on my rights and obligations in the UK before I left Poland. I thought that I could get more help with benefits and council accommodation. I tried to claim some benefits but, because I am Polish, I did not get them. I also thought that I would be able to get a flat to bring my family here but this did not work out either.
(Male, aged 52)

One further respondent came to Edinburgh with unrealistic expectations based on 'myths' and misconceptions about his statutory rights in the UK:

I was sure that I could get a free council flat and some benefits because my legs are sore. I contacted Polish Consulate many times but they did not help me. I lost my passport. The Consulate offered me a ticket back to Poland but I did not want to go.
(Male, aged 50)

Reasons for becoming homeless

Our survey of Group B showed that EU8 nationals find themselves facing homelessness due to two main factors:

a) Lack of preparation before coming to Edinburgh

This included lack of knowledge about the cost of living in the UK generally. Unlike the respondents from Group A, many respondents from Group B made no arrangements as to accommodation and employment before coming to Edinburgh. Additionally, as shown above, many demonstrated a distinct lack of knowledge about their rights and entitlements to support services in the UK.

Group B respondents also tended to have poorer or no English language skills. Two interviewees said that they had no particular reason to choose Edinburgh and came to the city to 'try and see how things work out' for them. They had nothing planned and arrived in Edinburgh more or less by chance:

I came without any preparation, no organised work nor accommodation. I first slept on a bench in a park, then I stayed with some friends for a short time and after that I worked on a farm and was accommodated there. Once I left work on the farm, I went to stay with the Missionaries of Charity and now I am in Cowgate.
(Male, aged 26)

Not all such respondents came to Edinburgh speculatively - some had made plans which subsequently proved inadequate or unrealistic:

I came without any job arranged here. I came to join friends. I found work but I was not happy with it and I left. I am unemployed now and have no income.
(Male, aged 26)

b) Unanticipated difficulties experienced while in Edinburgh

A number of respondents described making careful preparations before arriving in Edinburgh, but then coming across unexpected difficulties that contributed to their need to use homelessness services. These included:

• Relationship breakdown
• Broken promises of employment
• Extortion of money in exchange for arranging employment
• Loss of employment
• Lack of support networks from friends/family
• Unanticipated health problems

Three interviewees came to Edinburgh because they had had friends or family members already here. Whilst there had been a support network in place initially, a subsequent relationship breakdown contributed to, or caused, the interviewees' homelessness. One respondent, who had carefully arranged his move to Edinburgh, nevertheless fell into difficulties:

I came to Edinburgh to join my wife and child. They came to Edinburgh before me and had accommodation arranged so I had accommodation arranged. I have separated from my wife, we had many problems in our relationship, and left my job. I had no money to rent any place and that's why I ended up in Cowgate […] I am in a bad situation. No work and no place to live. I have my wife and a child here in Edinburgh but we have separated since we came to Edinburgh. I came to join them here but our relationship broke down. Life here is different to what I imagined it to be. I did not realise that it would be so difficult to find work.
(Male, aged 26)

Similarly, some respondents, once they arrived in Edinburgh, found that arrangements for jobs and accommodation had fallen through and they ended up homeless and without income. One interviewee had work and accommodation arranged prior to coming to Edinburgh from Poland. However, due to an argument with his manager, he lost his job and, without income, became homeless. Another arrived in Edinburgh having paid to arrange employment. When this arrangement fell through he found himself in difficulties:

I had to pay someone for arranging work for me. The arranged work did not materialise but I managed to get my money back from the person who was arranging this.
(Male, aged 48)

Difficulties in accessing services are exacerbated by the experience of homelessness. One respondent told us:

My health is poor. I have a bad leg and consider myself disabled. My homeless situation is making things worse. I am registered with a doctor in Cowgate Clinic. I have also used hospital for some treatment.
(Male, aged 50)

Intended length of stay in Edinburgh

At the time of interview, most of the respondents from Group B had been in Edinburgh for less than a year. In terms of their intended length of stay in Edinburgh, we found two distinctive responses. Around half of Group B (eight respondents) are determined to stay permanently in Edinburgh, despite their current homelessness. Each of these respondents stated that once they had secured jobs they would like to settle in Edinburgh. Notably, all those who have partners and/or children (four respondents) in their country of origin would like to settle in Edinburgh permanently. They would like to find work and then bring their families here.

The second distinctive response represents about a third of Group B (five respondents), and comprises those unsure about how long they will remain in Edinburgh. Three of these respondents have no fixed plans, beyond planning to return to their countries of origin at some unspecified stage:

I am not planning to stay here permanently. I would like to earn/save money and then return to Poland. I am currently working on a farm. It all depends whether I find work. If I have work I will see if I want to stay permanently. I do not know at this stage.
(Male, aged 21)

Employment issues

All of those interviewed stressed that finding work was their main priority. Four respondents were in some kind of work but were still using homelessness services. Two said that they used free food services and came to see friends; another had just started work and needed to use Cowgate's night shelter in order to save money for a deposit and rent.

Within Group B, the unemployed respondents said that the overwhelming reason for being unemployed was that their poor English significantly hindered their finding work. Looking for work, for example in JobCentres, involves reading job offers and contacting employers. Performing these tasks is practically impossible without adequate knowledge of English.

Another barrier to employment was lack of 'appropriate accommodation' ( i.e. a permanent address). The interviewees stated that, from their experience, employers require a permanent address of their potential employees. They found that Cowgate's address puts off employers from employing a job seeker.

A number of other obstacles were mentioned by a small number of respondents: lack of knowledge of recruitment process or not knowing where and how to look for work (mentioned by two respondents); and losing identity documents and, therefore, being unable to register with employers or employment agencies. One respondent mentioned poor health preventing him from finding work.

Around one-third of Group B (five respondents) said that they had secured employment before arriving in Edinburgh. In some cases, however, promised jobs in Edinburgh proved, on their arrival, to be non-existent.

I came to Edinburgh from Manchester. I had contract work in Manchester but that finished and then I was offered a contract job in Edinburgh. I did not have to worry about money and accommodation in Manchester because I had work there. The job in Edinburgh turned out to be an empty promise and I ended up without work and accommodation since March 2006.
(Male, aged 52)

In other cases the arranged employment was genuine, but did not last:

My wife found work for me here. I worked in a hotel but I did not get on with my co-workers and left that job. I am currentlylooking for work
(Male, aged 26)

Most of Group B (12 respondents) came to Edinburgh without any offer of employment. Some came to Edinburgh hoping for the best and finding themselves disappointed:

When I came to Edinburgh I had £30. I did not know how long that would last. I had no work arranged and I took a chance by coming here. I thought I would find work quickly.
(Male, aged 21)

The occupational background of those using homelessness services tended to be jobs that require relatively low skills - labourer, painter/decorator, farm hand and kitchen porter, for example. Group B consists of more people with secondary education (14 out of 17) than with university education (three out of 17). In Group A we found an equal proportion of people with higher and secondary education.

All interviewees from Group B gave similar accounts of what would best assist them in securing employment:

• Improved English
• Attaining better qualifications
• Help with CV writing
• Advice on employment/career possibilities
• Having permanent and secure accommodation

It was clear from the interviews that, in the respondents' view, the crucial contributing factors to EU8 nationals becoming (and remaining) homeless are lack of work/income and poor level of English. None of our respondents appeared unwilling to work; rather, it seems difficult for them to escape their unemployment largely because of an inability to communicate due to their poor English and a difficulty in accessing interpretation facilities.

Housing experiences

While most EU8 nationals coming to Edinburgh appeared able to secure accommodation and employment, Group B represent a small minority who are not coping well and who have resorted to emergency homelessness services. Members of this group have difficulties in finding work and that, in turn, impacts on their ability to find and sustain accommodation.

At the time of our survey two respondents were still using homelessness services for free food and contacts with friends, although they had found accommodation. Both had managed to secure flat shares:

Now I have found a job and I am sharing a flat. The flat that I am staying in is overcrowded. There are nine people living in a five room flat. I pay £50 a week […] I come to Cowgate to talk to people who use the service because I have made some friends here.
(Male, aged 22)

Now I have a job but I come for free meals to Cowgate now and again […]. The flat that I share now is a three bedroom flat shared by five people. I am happy there, I pay £40 per week.
(Male, aged 22)

We found some evidence of similar issues - namely, high incidence of shared rooms, overcrowding and high rents - in relation to the general sample of respondents (see section 5).

Around one-third of Group B (five out of 17 respondents) said that they went straight to the Cowgate Centre on their arrival in Edinburgh. Two others slept rough after their arrival until they got help at the Cowgate Centre.

In terms of whether or not respondents had arranged accommodation for themselves prior to arriving in Edinburgh, responses from Group B fell into three broad categories:

• Four respondents came to join a friend/partner already in accommodation. However the respondents found that, for a variety of reasons, their arrangement did not last:

A friend of mine arranged accommodation for me. I stayed with my friend's friend for few weeks and then I had to leave. I then moved into a hostel and stayed there for 7 months. Then I started using Cowgate Centre.
(Male, aged 21)

• Six respondents had nothing arranged at all, and arrived in Edinburgh to 'see how things go'. Some of these respondents came with sufficient funds for temporary accommodation, others came without resources:

I did not have anything arranged in Edinburgh but after I arrived in Edinburgh I found a tourist hostel where I stayed for one-and-a-half months until my money ran out.
(Male, aged 22)

• Two respondents had been promised accommodation, but on arrival found that they had been let down or misinformed:

I was promised work and accommodation in Edinburgh but when I arrived here it turned out that this was an empty promise. I was told that I would be accommodated in a flat for workers provide by employer.
(Male, aged 48)

Amongst the four respondents who had pre-arranged accommodation upon their arrival in Edinburgh, two described it as 'comfortable'. The remaining two described their accommodation as overcrowded, and said that they had felt neither safe nor comfortable there:

I was sharing a room with three other people. The flat felt overcrowded and I had to pay £45 per week. I did not feel safe there.
(Male, aged 21)

There were three rooms and nine people living in them. I did not feel comfortable there.
(Male, aged 27)

In both Group A and Group B, there is evidence of what appears to be unreasonably high rents for low quality housing. Additionally, findings from the general sample also suggested that a substantial proportion of EU8 nationals may not enjoy the protection of a formal lease (see section 5, above). There are some grounds, therefore, for serious concern over the housing welfare of these migrants.

Health and Social Care

One third of the Group B sample (six respondents) reported that they had health problems, and two were receiving regular health care at the time of this survey. Proportionately, far fewer respondents in Group A (about one-tenth) reported having health problems - although caution should be exercised in comparing this data, given the small sample size in both groups. Just over half of Group B (ten respondents) were registered with a GP. This reflects interventions from homelessness services that encourage, inform about and arrange registration with GPs. A smaller proportion of Group A respondents (just over one-third) were registered with a GP.

We found a similar trend in the proportions of respondents accessing NHS services. Around half (nine respondents) within Group B had accessed various NHS services: psychiatrist (accessed by one respondent); GP (seven); dentist (three); hospital in-patient (one); Accident & Emergency (two). In Group A, we found that just under half of the respondents (45%) had used an NHS service since arriving in Edinburgh.

Most respondents in Group B felt that their health was not affected by their homeless situation at all and that they felt healthy. One respondent, although believing that his homelessness had no bearing on his health, reported having mental health problems that pre-dated his homelessness. There were, however, two respondents who said that their present situation depressed them and had a detrimental influence on their health. One other respondent felt that his lack of employment, being homeless and being around other homeless people was potentially damaging to his mental health.

Some of the feelings that respondents experienced as a result of being homeless in Edinburgh were: fear of physical and/or mental ill-health; loneliness; frustration; helplessness; experience and fear of violence; isolation; and a feeling of being discriminated against. Some respondents stated that these negative feeling were exacerbated by a lack of information on entitlements to benefits and support services.

Four respondents also reported that by leaving their families in their countries of origin and ending up homeless they were taking big risks for themselves and their families. Having come to the UK with a view to setting themselves in employment and then bringing their families here, the experience of homelessness was particularly demoralising.

Several respondents within Group B reported that they had no support from friends or family in their home countries and have no such support in Edinburgh. Others reported receiving some support from back home but having no-one to turn to for support in Edinburgh. Only one-third of Group B (six respondents) reported enjoying support in their home countries from friends and family and also having friends in Edinburgh on whom they could rely on for emotional (and sometimes financial) support.

Most Group B respondents have little history of using support services and, therefore, do not know what may be available to them or what they can ask for in terms of help. One said:

I use Cowgate Clinic, Cowgate Centre and places where I can get free food. I do not know what other services are available, what they can do for me and how I can access them.
(Male, aged 54)

Opinions on the level of service received and possible gaps in services

About two-thirds of the EU8 Cowgate service-users (ten respondents) thought that the Cowgate Centre's services were good and were happy with the service provided. They reported that they were treated politely and with dignity. This group had no comment on other services as they had not used them.

Two respondents, whilst praising the Cowgate Centre and the health professionals at the Cowgate Clinic, were not happy with other services providing advice on benefits and council housing. Specifically, they felt that they had been ignored by both the City of Edinburgh Council's Access Point advice centre and the Housing Department. Their treatment, both felt, arose from their nationality, from "being Polish". It is unclear whether they were unhappy with the service as such, or whether they were not happy because of restrictions to various services applied by the UK government to EU8 nationals. They also felt that they were given misleading information: initially they were told that they were entitlement to benefits and council housing, but then told that there is no such entitlement.

Three respondents praised helpful service at the Citizen's Advice Bureau, JobCentre Plus and the Council's Housing Department. They all said that they received helpful advice and were treated very well. They did understand, however, that on many occasions the advisors could not do anything because of complex regulations relating to nationals from new EU8 states.

In a similar way to Group A, respondents in Group B felt that the main gap in the provision of advice and other services is a lack of multilingual staff and a lack of an appropriate level of interpreting service in advice offices and JobCentres. Half of those interviewed from Group B (seven respondents) identified these specific problems.

Two respondents perceived a lack of effective help to EU8 nationals, and believed this arose through a lack of knowledge on the part of advice staff. They felt that even those in a position to provide advice were unclear on the rights and entitlements of EU8 nationals to various forms of help and support. Another respondent felt that there should be more information available in EU8 languages on entitlements to services and support.

Providing information to EU8 nationals

Many of the suggestions from Group B respondents of how best to disseminate required information resources were similar to suggestions given by the Group B sample.

Group B respondents felt that the best way of disseminating information to EU8 nationals was through leaflets in EU8 languages. The second most common suggestion was a telephone advice line offering advice in EU8 languages. Other suggestions included a Council-provided information pack; more information made available through the internet; and more information available in the EU8 countries, so that those who wish to come to the UK have better access to relevant information before they set off.

Several suggestions were made as to the best places to distribute information leaflets:

• Homelessness services ( e.g. Cowgate Centre, The Ark, Grassmarket Mission, Access Point etc.)
• Advice offices ( e.g. Advice Shop, Housing Dept offices, Health Centres)
• JobCentres
• Edinburgh Airport
• Internet cafes
• Newsagents
• Businesses run by EU8 nationals ( e.g. Polish-run shops)

6.5 Conclusion

A relatively small number of EU8 nationals are presenting themselves to the Cowgate Centre. Although a very small minority within the migrant population, this group gives us deeper understanding of the difficulties that EU8 migrants may find themselves in.

The difficulties are caused by a lack of knowledge of living and working in the UK; a lack of preparation; lack of funds; the language barrier; and unexpected life changes or circumstances. The respondents from Group B are determined to find work and be independent. Just like our respondents from the Group A sample, their main goal is to find work; but due to a combination of various difficulties they come across, that goal is hard for them to reach.

Generally, the Cowgate Centre's service-users we spoke to praised the level of service and care they received. They were treated with dignity and warmth and were directed to other service providers such as health services, advice agencies and various Council offices.

The level of service provided by the Cowgate Centre was greatly assisted by the appointment of multilingual support workers (Polish and Czech). This is not just an indication of good practice, but had a significant positive impact on the capacity of the Cowgate Centre to offer care and support for a vulnerable section of the Edinburgh population.