CHAPTER TWO CROSS-CUTTING THEMES
2.1 Before discussing the detailed findings from the research, it is worth setting out four broad themes that emerged which have major implications for the Strategy. These related to the definition of 'older people', awareness of the ageing population issue, a youth-centred orientation and attitudes towards planning.
Definition of 'older people'
2.2 As part of the introduction to the main issues discussed in the groups, we asked participants how old they thought an 'older person' was. The reasons for this were two-fold: to understand how participants currently understood the term and to establish a baseline for the discussion to ensure that all participants in the groups were basing their comments on the same group of people. From the answers given it was clear there was a strong link between the term 'older people' and retirement, with the majority of participants saying that someone in their sixties might be considered 'older'. However, many other participants, especially those who were themselves aged 50 and above, felt that people in their sixties are not 'old' these days and that they would only consider 70 or even 80 'old'. Thus, the focus of the discussions, and therefore of this report, was people aged at least 60 and people who have retired. This differs, quite substantially in some cases, to the age range on which the Strategy is focused.
Awareness of the ageing population issue
2.3 A degree of knowledge that Scotland's population is ageing was widespread. For the most part, this awareness came from media stories and involved an understanding that people were living longer and that there would be more older people in the future. More specifically, awareness of the 'pensions crisis' was widespread and was typically seen as the major impact of the ageing population.
2.4 Much less common was an appreciation of the likely extent of the demographic change or the implications beyond the impact on pensions. Although there was some acknowledgement - after prompting - of the economic implications, issues such as the increased demand for suitable services and housing, and impact on the labour market, had not yet permeated participants' thinking. So, for example, discussions around services for older people tended to focus on the need for more and better services - without much reference to the economic and demographic challenges involved in meeting these needs.
2.5 Participants appeared to be at an early stage in understanding the ageing population issue. There needs to be a shift in understanding before they will take action to better prepare for their own old age. Similarly, there needs to be a shift before they might accept the need for less popular government measures.
Youth-centred orientation
2.6 Participants were divided on how older people were treated: some felt they were treated very well and others thought they were not valued by society. Older people, however, generally felt that they were treated very well and the barriers they perceived related mainly to health rather than the negative attitudes of society.
2.7 Nonetheless, throughout the discussions, there was typically a sense that old age was an 'additional' stage of the life course but not really the 'main' event - something of a bonus if you were reasonably healthy and had enough money. Phrases such as "they've had their life" were used by participants of all ages. Linked to this was a view that, whatever changes were made to improve life for older people or remove barriers, these should not be at the expense of younger people who should take precedence. For example, enabling older people to work longer was desirable - but not if this meant taking jobs away from younger people.
2.8 Similarly, discussions about the contribution older people could make were usually couched in terms of what they could do for younger people - rather than what they might do for each other or for society in general. The main themes in terms of contribution were the wisdom, experience and knowledge they could pass on to younger generations. In terms of working life, their contribution could be training younger workers. In families, they can spend quality time with their grandchildren - easing the burden on parents and passing on their wisdom.
2.9 'Children are our future' was still participants' prevailing philosophy - despite the fact that, arguably, older people are our future.
Planning
2.10 Beyond some participants planning their pension (often inadequately), most were not planning for their old age at all. Where they did plan - or at least gave some consideration to planning - it tended to be in a specific area and as a result of a specific impetus. For example, one participant had thought about living close to a hospital after her father had to be rushed to hospital. No-one appeared to be 'planning for their old age in general'. There were a number of reasons for this which need to be recognised in any aspects of the Strategy which depend on individual planning and preparation.
2.11 Most importantly perhaps, participants' planning horizons tended to be short or medium term at best. For example, some thought about their next career step (what to do after they finish a course, whether they want promotion or a new job in the next year or so) or about whether they wanted to move house, get married or have children in the next year or two. However, beyond relatively vague thoughts about what they might like in the future, most participants did not actively plan anything much beyond the next year or so. Even participants approaching retirement were not typically planning for their old age - and those in their twenties and thirties certainly were not.
2.12 A number of attitudes emerged which may further explain the reluctance of participants to plan for their old age. These were:
- The inevitability of ageing. Perversely perhaps, the inevitability of old age seemed to mitigate against a need to plan for it: you can't stop it happening so what can you do?
- The gradual process. Ageing is inevitable but it is also very gradual - so it is easy to put off planning or action (such as starting a pension scheme) to another day.
- "The luck of the draw". In relation to planning for health, in particular, but also money, plans seemed to be limited by the lack of any guarantees that they would succeed. There is no point planning too much because you could be struck down by a fatal or debilitating disease at any point, regardless of how healthy a lifestyle you have led. Similarly, the uncertainty around pension schemes was used as a justification for not contributing, or contributing less.
- "It's too depressing". It was not uncommon for participants to acknowledge that they had given some thought to an aspect of growing older (for example their health, pension or loneliness) but had stopped thinking about it because it was just too "depressing" or "scary".
A "wonderful thing"
2.13 Finally, it is worth noting that the discussions frequently focused on the problems faced by older people and the challenges presented by the ageing population. This is usually the case when comment on social issues is invited - and there is often more to say about problems than about what is good. However, there was much that was positive, particularly from the older participants, who could be quite inspirational in their attitude. When asked what 'ageing' meant to her, one 85 year old woman replied "I think it is a wonderful thing".
Summary of key points
2.14 Four cross-cutting themes emerged which have major implications for the Strategy:
- Participants defined 'older people' as people aged at least 60 and strongly equated 'older' with being retired. Discussions therefore focused on this age group and on retirement - a somewhat narrower focus than that of the Strategy.
- Most participants were aware of the fact that Scotland's population is ageing but did not appreciate the scale of the issue and the potential implications.
- Participants' thinking was youth-centred i.e. what is best for young people.
- Beyond some participants planning their pension, participants were not typically planning for their old age at all. In addition to the fact that participants planning horizons tended to be short or medium term at best, a number of attitudes also explained the reluctance of participants to plan for their old age: the inevitability of ageing; the fact that it is very gradual; the lack of guarantees about planning for health or financial security; and the fact that ageing is too "depressing" and "scary" to think about.