Scottish Government

Chapter Four Schools and strategies: the case studies

4.1 Case study methodology

The local authority questionnaires indicated where examples of good practice could be identified with regard to the implementation of strategies to address gender inequalities, or perceptions of gender inequalities. The research team then developed a methodology which was common as far as possible for each study visit, while allowing for different contexts and strategies.

Schools were contacted by telephone and the researcher spoke to either the person responsible for gender related issues, or to the relevant school manager. At this point, arrangements were made for a preliminary visit. This preliminary visit was designed to clarify the nature of the strategies in operation within the school, to provide reassurance where necessary, and to make the appropriate arrangements for the case study visit itself. This included distribution of consent forms where these were called for in terms of the project's ethical approval. ³

During the case study visit, where possible, the researcher met with school managers, class teachers, parents and pupils. It was not always relevant to include all of these. Evidence was gathered through one-to-one interviews with school staff and through focus groups of pupils and parents. Where observation of classroom practice was considered relevant, researchers tried to include this in the visit. They also tried to experience the life of the school and gain an impression of the general ethos that pertained. Case study visits generally took no more than one day, with the proviso that the researcher could return for an additional visit where this was felt to be necessary. This happened on a few occasions. During the visits themselves, researchers noted the responses by participants and stakeholders, and appropriate consents were logged.

Following the visits, reports were drawn up by each researcher in a common format. The protocol for this format is shown in Appendix 4. This enabled researchers to reach a common understanding of the purpose and nature of the visits, and to record findings in a consistent manner. A longer, narrative report was also compiled.

The case studies have been analysed by theme. It is readily acknowledged that many strategies adopted by schools are intended to have multiple outcomes, such as impacting on both behaviour and attainment. We have sought to identify the dominant theme in the reported strategies and grouped them accordingly. Those seeking to address achievement fell into two main groups: pre-5 and primary schools tackling literacy skills; and secondary schools that have adopted single-sex classes as a strategy. These have been presented separately. In addition, on occasion, the evidence from one case study has contributed to the discussion of more than one theme.

The evidence from the case studies is presented under the following subheadings:

4.2 Early literacy
4.3 Self concept and esteem
4.4 Progression and continuity
4.5 Achievement - single gender classes
4.6 Other reported initiatives.

4.2 Early literacy

Literacy, or, more specifically, reading, was a major theme in the questionnaires returned by local authorities. In order to look more closely at the impact within schools, 5 schools across 3 local authorities were included in the case study phase of the project (1 nursery and 4 primaries). In most instances, the emphasis was on improving boys' reading, although the activities were intended to engender positive attitudes towards books and literacy in general for both boys and girls.

i. Background of the school(s) involved

Two of the schools from one local authority were small, relatively remote, rural schools with 2-3 teachers, including the headteacher, which served a number of small villages within farming communities. One school was in an affluent area where the pupils had stable, two-parent homes, while the second was more mixed in its catchment area, although without serious disadvantage or deprivation: this was confirmed by reference to the Scottish Area Deprivation Index.

The other 2 primary schools were slightly larger and, again, served more rural areas. Both catchment areas included both private and rented housing. The nursery school, in a third local authority, was situated in an affluent urban environment with significant numbers of children from ethnic minority backgrounds.

ii. Initial impetus and funding

In almost all instances, the strategy had been developed in response to the Scottish Executive's Home Reading campaign, originally launched in 2002. The initiative - Read Together - had the key aim of encouraging more parents and carers to read to their children ⁴. There were several aspects to the initiative, including a leaflet and advertising campaign for parents, the appointment of reading champions to encourage parents, carers and children, a website, a Home Reading Coordinator and, most importantly for schools, a small grants scheme that provided them with additional resources to spend on materials and activities.

In launching the initiative, the then Scottish Education Minister, Cathy Jamieson, reported that most reading at home was undertaken by mothers, which gave the impression that reading is something that women do rather than men. The Minister emphasised the role of fathers and male role models in general and, more specifically, encouraged them to read with their sons. This, it was stated, would help to capture the imagination of boys. The Minister specifically suggested Harry Potter books or reading football programmes - reflecting the 'boy-friendly' fiction perspective.

iii. The implementation of the strategy

Some authorities encouraged all schools to bid for resources and to develop 'reading together' initiatives involving parents, while in other authorities individual schools had responded independently. In the case study schools visited during the study, the grant received from SEED was spent on books for the pupils. Some schools used the funding to expand their existing stocks of books, deliberately selecting ones that they thought would appeal to boys, e.g. non-fiction and stories about football or adventure stories. They also bought books that would appeal to both boys and girls, such as those featuring favourite television or film characters. In other schools, they used the funding to buy 'story sacks' or 'bags of books'. Each 'sack' contained a book, related games, additional reading and sometimes a soft toy or props. The intention was to encourage parents and children to read together, to play the games and engage in various activities related to the book.

In the schools visited, including the nursery, the literacy initiative was part of a whole-school policy to improve language skills for all pupils, although in each case the emphasis tended to be on the early years. The evidence indicates that differences in attainment between boys and girls are small in the early years but increase as they progress through the school, and the argument is that investing in the development of positive attitudes towards literacy in the early years can help to avoid later underachievement. The extent to which these books were intended to improve achievement levels amongst boys or were seen as simply 'a good thing' for all pupils varied. None of the schools experienced serious underachievement amongst boys and, in one primary, over 90% of boys achieved the reading targets for their (st)age. The schools tended to be taking advantage of resources offered to improve the position for all pupils.

In 2 schools, books were grouped according to which stage(s) they were intended for and pupils selected a book or story sack to take home, usually for 1-2 weeks at a time. These were brought back and exchanged for new sacks. In a third school, a rota was established such that each child took only one 'sack' home per term, whereas in other schools it was more often, e.g. every 2-3 weeks. The older pupils normally had to write some form of book review once they had finished, providing a record of their engagement with books.

In most schools, the reading initiative was linked to other literacy activities and/or ways of catering for differences in learning styles, some of which were perceived as related to gender. For example, teachers in one school had attended a staff development course that had emphasised gender differences in learning styles and preferences for activities. They had experimented with, for example, subdued lighting (they had been told that boys prefer this) and Baroque music (which was reported to enhance concentration). A particular focus was on literacy, where boys, it was said, needed additional help. What became evident to the headteacher was the way in which these tactics worked for some, but not all, boys. Interviews with staff indicated that they were sensitive to gender inequalities and tried to treat all pupils as individuals, rather than as girls or boys:

'What works for some boys doesn't work for others - you need to focus on the individual.'

iv. The impact

In all of the schools involved, it was felt that the boys' attitudes to books had changed, becoming more positive over time, although this was difficult to gauge in some cases as the boys were already good and enthusiastic readers. In some instances boys were performing at slightly higher levels than previously, but that could not be traced directly to the introduction of the strategy. Boys and girls expressed enthusiasm for the strategy and almost all were keen readers. They looked forward to their 'turn' with the story sacks and had suggestions for other books that could be added to the stocks available. The pupils were aware that this was a strategy to get them to read more but they were unaware of any gender dimension. In 3 schools, they were aware that part of the strategy was to involve fathers to a greater extent.

Children in all schools were aware of gender differences, however, and expressed some of the expected stereotypes during the interviews. For example, in one school the children thought that boys tended to be noisy and girls liked flowers. Sometimes, the girls challenged the stereotypes: 'girls can be firemen, they just need to be very strong' (nursery girl).

In one of the small primary schools, all pupils across the stages were unanimous in their view that it did not make any difference if you were a boy or a girl in the school: 'it doesn't matter'; 'everyone gets equal attention'; 'you never feel left out'.

A key feature was the involvement of parents. It was not possible to interview parents in all of the schools but where it was, they tended to be very positive in their comments about the school. Although aware of the literacy strategy, they were not always aware that it was concerned, at least in part, with gender inequality. The schools had run sessions to introduce parents to the story sacks and, in some cases, had run workshops for them. These were appreciated by all. Some fathers were making the effort to read with their children in the evenings as a result of the initiatives. One mother commented on the extent to which the reading sessions had improved the relationship between her husband and son. Similar sentiments were echoed by other parents. The lack of male role models in schools was raised by a small number of parents and one father thought that girls got a better deal out of the education system, overall, than did boys.

Four of the 5 schools had been working with the literacy initiative for 3-5 years and it was becoming integrated into the day-to-day experiences of pupils. It was generally regarded by staff as one element of a wider drive to improve literacy standards for both boys and girls, although some admitted to focusing more explicitly on boys.

Most teachers did not see themselves as addressing gender inequalities, but rather as supporting all pupils to develop and achieve as individuals. Teachers encouraged pupils to become responsible for their own behaviour and their own actions/choices, and to develop greater independence in, and awareness of, their own learning. Most teachers were confident in their understandings of gender differences and styles of learning: ability was seen to be a characteristic of individuals rather than boys or girls per se. (In one school, the pupils themselves reported that boys tend to deal with ability either by trying not to show it or by bragging about it, whereas able girls were more comfortable with it.) Although no specific piece of research was cited during visits, many referred to findings that they had learned about at inservice or staff development sessions, e.g. that boys like non-fiction and to be active.

Individual schools had developed procedures and practices that enhanced the experiences of both boys and girls, but there was very little sharing of ideas across schools in any systematic way. Although these schools were working on similar strategies and priorities, they were unaware of each other. In the nursery, there was no reference to any communication with the associated primary schools.

Local authority involvement varied considerably. In one authority, the strategy had been developed across all schools and an evaluation of the impact had been undertaken and reported to SEED. In another authority a coordinator provided support and worked with the staff team to develop practice.

The major limitation identified by staff in schools was their inability to reach the pupils and parents that teachers would most have wanted to take part. There was some disappointment at the small numbers of parents who attended meetings and regret that the parents of children who might have benefited most did not turn up at all.

Example of evaluation completed by parents in one school using story sacks

Figure 4. 1: Cover of the evaluation leaflet

Figure 4.2: Inside of the evaluation leaflet

4.3 Self-concept and esteem

A number of initiatives designed to tackle self concept and break down gender stereotypes, in parents as well as children, were identified in the pre-5 sector. Most involved parents and were intended to tackle, gently, gender stereotypes within the community. One local authority and one of its nurseries were included in the case study phase.

i. Background

One city, with a history of deprivation and relative poverty concentrated in housing schemes and estates, had developed a general inclusion strategy which included initiatives to address parenting skills. Initially aimed at young parents and those living in deprived areas, the parenting initiative had progressively focused on the role of fathers. The key aims were to develop parenting skills and improve parent-child relationships, with issues of self esteem and confidence important, particularly regarding men. This programme, the Parents Services Initiative ( PSI), is not linked directly to the school system, but operates on Saturday mornings and early evenings and tries to involve parents and pre-school children working on shared activities. It began in one, particularly deprived, estate and was then extended city-wide.

One nursery school within the same local authority was visited. In addition to involvement in the PSI, staff had developed a number of small strategies intended to open up choices and experiences to the pupils, particularly boys. It was in a council housing estate with high unemployment rates amongst fathers and a degree of deprivation.

ii. Initial impetus and funding

With a history of deprivation and disadvantage, the city established an Early Years and Child Care Team ( EYCCT) to address aspects of the inclusion agenda and set up the PSI in 2000. The Initiative involves the education and social work services as well as the voluntary and private sectors. There is a partnership steering group, chaired by the Director of Education and with representation from all of the partners. Two Development Workers have been seconded from their posts in school and social work to support the Initiative. They plan, consult, generate ideas and carry plans through, often running the sessions and workshops themselves. They have begun to take on an advisory role, helping others to develop similar programmes of their own. It is funded by the city.

While schools and nurseries made attempts to involve fathers in events such as induction days, few got involved. This was causing concern. At the same time, a male social work student was placed with the team and he was interested in working with the fathers in ways that would support the development of parent-child relationships.

The headteacher in the nursery school was aware of the PSI but described the initiatives that she had taken within the school as being triggered by her observations of the children and how they played and inter-related. She noticed that they tended to play along traditional lines with, for example, girls rarely choosing to play with the construction toys. In role play and dressing up, they tended to conform to stereotypical heroes and role models. She had been further prompted to consider gender differences after she attended a national seminar where the speaker had 'touched on gender', raising issues such as right and left side brain dominance.

This had made her, and subsequently the rest of the staff in the nursery, more conscious of the criteria used in selecting and buying resources. They avoided buying toys and other resources which could be categorised as 'women's work', e.g. ironing boards, and tried to be 'gender neutral' in their selections.

Funding for the PSI came from a variety of sources, including the Scottish Executive, the local authority, churches and charities. They have also 'begged and borrowed' to get initiatives off the ground, including asking suppliers for surplus stock.

iii. The implementation of the strategy

Through a consultation process, the EYCCT found that fathers did want to be involved, but not through the kinds of groups run for women. They wanted to be more active, more hands-on, and were looking for physical, practical activities. The team started running Saturday morning sessions in neighbourhood centres that would appeal equally to mothers, fathers and their children. Sessions included making books, constructing puppets and kites, storytelling and preparing food, and some were also run in the evenings. They developed a series of parent and child workshops on popular themes such as Monsters Inc, and fathers did turn up with their children. They became much more involved and the team reported that they grew in confidence and their relationships with their children improved. They enjoyed the fact that their children saw them making things and the children were impressed by their fathers' skills. However, they still tended to make comments such as 'see the wife, that's her job' when asked to give a view on children and their schooling.

The workshops were intended to involve fathers in the kinds of activities they could do at home and to give them skills, ideas and suggestions for following up the workshops. Either parent, or both, could attend any workshop, as they chose, and they attracted a broad range of parents of both genders. In addition, grandmothers frequently attended, and when young mothers came, they often brought someone else such as a parent, partner or friend.

The team took the deliberate decision to demand nothing of parents in terms of commitment to the initiative. Experience indicated that it was difficult to engage some parents in discussing their children and their progress, and many parents did not really want to be more involved than just attending individual workshops. It was also felt that parents would not want to be involved in our focus groups, and attempts to achieve this were unsuccessful.

Some nurseries are now running early evening sessions along similar lines and, although they were initially concerned that this was not a good time of day for fathers, these had been very well attended, with some fathers coming on their own.

In the nursery school, the headteacher targeted three areas of activity for action: sorting activities; role playing/dressing up; and indoor/outdoor play.

a. Sorting activities

Previously the objects used for sorting had tended to be plastic and of familiar content, e.g. farm animals, transport, etc. The nursery has introduced a broader range of types of objects, e.g. minibeasts, leaves, artificial flowers, with a greater emphasis on varying colour and texture. Where possible, these are tied into topic work, e.g. the seasons, the jungle. Around St Valentine's Day children were provided with hearts in different materials, e.g. wood, plastic, velvet. They have also introduced objects such as nuts, bolts and screws to be sorted, compared, sequenced, etc., 'to address the interests of boys'.

b. Dressing up/role playing

According to staff, both boys and girls were happy to dress up using the existing stock of outfits (usually parents' cast-offs), but it was felt that both groups needed greater stimulus for imaginative play. To encourage this, staff introduced new outfits such as magical ones (witch/wizard) in interesting fabrics and, specifically to appeal to the boys, animal print designs and a wider range of character outfits. Both boys and girls appear to have increased their interest in these activities, with boys enjoying dressing up as lions, tigers, etc. While not perhaps as immediately stereotypical as previous costumes, the children tended to use them in gender-specific ways.

Figure 4. 3: Dressing up clothes that stimulate the imagination: greater variety, including gender-neutral outfits

c. Indoor and outdoor play

Traditionally, pre-5 and some infant classrooms have provided a 'home corner' where pupils can act out the kinds of activities that they see happening in their own homes. It was felt that such activities encouraged stereotypical roles and that other contexts should be provided. At the time of the visit, the nursery had set up a 'Rainforest Hut', with all the facilities that a home corner might have - food preparation, seating, table, etc. In the garden, staff introduced large rubber mats and large toy mice in addition to the usual outdoor toys, to stimulate active play and the children's imaginations.

Figure 4. 4: The Rainforest Hut - replacing the usual 'home corner'

iv. The impact

The city had not evaluated the initiative at the time of the visit, but it was acknowledged that this would be necessary. As many of the parents and children are linked to other projects concerned with alleviating disadvantage, it might be difficult determining the impact of the PSI in isolation. However, those interviewed identified a number of practical and ethical difficulties in monitoring impact. More specifically, they do not want to give out questionnaires/paperwork to parents as they have concerns about the literacy levels of some potential respondents and, consequently, the need to be sensitive to this. To date they have depended on informal feedback, such as comments after sessions or workshops. There is a suggestion that they will compile a sort of 'video book', using cameras to record parents' views. They have also noted the numbers of those attending sessions but, out of a concern to respect privacy, have deliberately avoided keeping tabs on individuals. They have discovered, however, that many parents do tend to let the team know if they will not be attending a session or will give an explanation for missing one.

In discussing obstacles to further development, the interviewees pointed to a culture barrier between the team and the people they are working to support, as well as a power differential. Although they have tried to hand over more of the activity to the parents and involve them more, they feel that there are limits to how much the parents can take on.

There was also concern that, occasionally, such initiatives raised parents' expectations of their future interactions with their children's school, only for them to discover later that the school tried to keep parents out. The team members who were interviewed were of the opinion that this did happen and argued that such schools did not understand that 'if you involve parents early, you make life easier in the long run - if you get them on your side earlier - especially if there are problems'. On the positive side, they noticed how fathers were able to appreciate their own child's abilities and skills - often they were surprised at what they saw their son or daughter do.

For one of the team, the key was the process rather than the events themselves. The process was based on consultation, with a lot of time spent planning and listening to the parents and what they wanted. Overall they aimed to be effective, regardless of whether the parent was male or female.

The team ran staff development sessions for pre-5 staff and contributed to the preservice initial teacher programmes at the local university, as well as providing advice and guidance on request. They had noticed that it tended to be the same, interested people who came to the inservice sessions they ran.

There are plans for further projects, including one that focuses on the role of men as fathers and which will culminate in a photographic exhibition of the fathers they are working with in a range of 'father' contexts. Another idea is to give men the opportunity to network and meet others in similar situations and to share with them the research on the impact of fathers on children's lives, e.g. on achievement and delinquency.

4.4 Progression and continuity

In the initial survey of local authorities in Scotland, one authority indicated that, while it had a policy on gender-related matters in place, this could be mediated in different ways by the schools themselves. It indicated that good practice could be observed in a cluster of schools working together to address this matter, and accordingly all 3 schools were visited as part of the case study process. Meetings were held with management, staff, pupils and parents and teaching was observed in all 3 institutions.

i. Background of schools involved

The 3 schools, all serving rural communities, consist of a secondary and two associated primary schools. The area is designated as one of high socio-economic deprivation with attendant difficulties of long-term chronic structural unemployment and social exclusion.

ii. Initial impetus and funding

The issue being addressed was that of perceived under-achievement amongst boys, particularly in the area of reading. Further, there was seen to be a need to involve and engage parents and the community as much as possible with the future of the pupils' education in the area. Consequently, a number of actions had been taken by the schools, working together with the support of the local authority. Firstly, a consultant had been engaged to provide an inservice day which was attended by staff from all 3 schools. Secondly, funding had been provided to support initiatives in which fathers and sons worked and learned together. A constant theme amongst respondents in this cluster group was that the dislocation of the male population was considerable: the majority of jobs available were for women, and often of a part-time nature. This had resulted in a situation where women were often the breadwinners and where the role of men in bringing up children was greater, but where families were also often dysfunctional and relationships strained. In this context, the authority and schools saw a role in providing positive leadership for families through a scheme entitled MATCH - Men And Their Children.

The specific policy shared by the 3 schools in the cluster was entitled 'Getting the Best out of Boys'. It was clear that the focus was on the raising of horizons, giving children hope and therefore addressing a perception of hopelessness in the local culture. There were shared objectives: raising attainment (specifically of boys, but also of girls); social justice; and the promotion of sound learning through raised teacher awareness of learning styles. These objectives were clearly understood by staff from all 3 schools.

iii. The implementation of the strategy

Within the 2 primary schools, management responsibility was invested in the respective head teachers and their deputies, with a clear sense that there was a positive engagement with the policy and a determination to drive it onwards. Both primary schools commented upon the sharing of responsibility for the initiative with all members of staff, including non-teaching staff and classroom assistants. This engagement was seen as crucial by both schools. However, while the secondary school management saw gender as an important issue, they addressed it in a more 'informal' manner, with the expectations that gender equality issues would be 'embedded' in professional practice. There was no effective coordinating agency for strategies to address gender inequality in place in the secondary school, in direct contrast to the situation in the two associated primaries, although the four Faculty Heads were expected to be involved. There was a strong culture of liaison and collaboration between the primary and secondary schools, and this was facilitated by the Depute Head of the secondary school working closely with her primary colleagues.

In both primary schools, the staff had attended staff development sessions, often organised by consultancies such as Tapestry (a consortium of Strathclyde and Glasgow Universities which offers expertise on learning), and often at their own expense. There was evident commitment to the initiative and a sense that it was worthwhile. Staff in both primary and secondary schools had awareness of relevant research, but this was focused on learning, and learning theories, as much as it was on issues of gender inequalities.

iv. The impact

The strengths of the policy were seen in the 2 primary schools as team-working; the importance of clear learning strategies, including active learning; innovative pedagogy; and the involvement of parents. In the secondary, the strengths were seen as ownership by the staff and a sense that the policy had 'percolated into learning and teaching'.

The scheme was favourably commented upon by the parents interviewed. The initiatives were conceptualised by the community as giving hope to children and families and providing a sense that learning is a useful activity.

In one primary school, there was unequivocal support from parents for what was being done and a high regard for the school in the community. Parents in the other school were more ambivalent: some saw the treatment of boys as uneven and they wanted a return to the 'tougher' methods that had been in place when they were pupils themselves. This was a perception clearly related to gender and to the behaviour of boys. In the secondary school, there was no dissent from the high regard in which the school was held.

Awareness of gender issues in education was uneven amongst parents. Some were aware of recent changes but others articulated their views along traditional, gendered lines. In one primary school there was considerable awareness of the strategies that were in use and of their effectiveness, but in the other there was little of this. Indeed, a view was articulated that the school should return to more traditional teaching methods rather than the strategies aimed at active learning. Parents in the secondary school felt that it was working well and that it was doing a good job for their children in difficult social circumstances. There was concern about the lack of good male role models in the schools and this was seen as a potential cause of tension; parents in one primary school also commented upon this.

Parents generally were very happy with what the schools were doing for their children. They felt that the initiative was helping to raise children's cultural and social horizons and were glad of opportunities to be engaged in their children's learning. There was no support for single gender classes in any of the groups of parents interviewed. Indeed, open hostility towards the idea was clearly articulated in 2 of the schools.

In both primary schools, the pupils interviewed felt strongly that both boys and girls had a fair deal. They articulated clear perceptions of gender differences. Pupils in both schools felt strongly that girls were smarter than boys, a view shared by both genders, and thought that girls 'got away' with more misbehaviour than boys did. Although there was a thrust in the policy towards the promotion of reading and book selections to cater for the preferences of boys, the children themselves felt that it was reasonable to assume that both girls and boys shared the same interests. In neither primary school were the pupils aware of gender-specific initiatives being in place. However, they were very aware of initiatives to promote active learning and to address wider experiences of learning and teaching in their schools and were vocal in their support for what their schools were doing for them.

In the secondary school, there was equally a perception that the school was a good one with good, caring teachers. While there was some resentment amongst the boys that they were made to do 'female' things, there was equally a clear sense that pupils got a very fair deal. S2 boys commented on the active learning styles which were sensed as being widely available in the secondary school. They also felt that girls received preferential treatment; a view that was not shared by their S5 colleagues. While both groups felt that girls were better behaved than boys, there was no agreement that they were better learners. All the pupils interviewed had high aspirations, regardless of their gender. Again, pupils were unaware of a gender strategy being in place in their school and saw it as a matter for individual members of staff to address in their classes.

Amongst both primary and secondary pupils there was support for the policies of active learning and for more pupil choice in activities. There was no support articulated for single gender classes, although the girls in one school were somewhat ambivalent about this.

In summary, while it was clear that strategies to address gender inequalities were in place in this cluster of schools, it was less clear that these were specific and focused on this issue. Rather, they were part of an initiative to improve the children's attainment and to raise their social and cultural aspirations. There were clear differences between the primary schools, where the initiative was more consistently highlighted, and the associated secondary where, after the impetus given by the initial staff development day, a softer line was taken and responsibility was left with individual staff. Nevertheless, it was also evident that there was a coherent strategy in place in the cluster, that it was relevant to the learning, social and cultural needs of the children, appreciated by them (whether overtly or not) and that it was shared by staff in the primary schools. In these senses, the initiative may be regarded as good practice.

There are also issues of progression and continuity raised by these case studies. It is important for such initiatives, if they are to work effectively across sectors, to be managed with vigour in both sectors. Although there was evidence of high awareness of gender issues amongst staff in the secondary school, there was less evidence that the momentum which had been provided in the primaries was being sustained. It is advisable to address this if the effectiveness of the strategy is to be maintained.

4.5 Achievement - single gender classes

A recent development in secondary schools is the use of single gender classes ( SGCs), generally in selected areas of the curriculum and/or at particular stages (normally where schools are trying to improve achievement in external awards such as Standard Grade). This case study examined the use of SGCs in 3 secondary schools in one local authority in Scotland. There are some strong similarities in both the practice and the views of those involved in SGCs, as well as some noteworthy differences.

Data was collected from 3 schools through:

• interviews with management - Senior Management Team members or Principal Teacher;
• interviews with teaching staff working with SGCs;
• pupil focus groups - one girl-only group and one boy-only group of between 8-10 pupils where the practice of SGCs was ongoing (2 schools); and
• classroom observation of a boys' class and a girls' class in each school where the practice of SGCs was ongoing (2 schools).

i. Background of schools involved

Of the 3 schools involved, 2 were non-denominational. One of these had a mixed catchment area, with a stable community, while the other was situated in an area with significant economic and social issues. In the latter, a range of strategies had been used successfully over recent years to raise attainment and the profile of the school in the local community. The third school was denominational, with a wide catchment area encompassing urban and rural communities.

ii. Initial impetus and funding

The strategy had been implemented as a result of concerns regarding achievement in national certification at the upper secondary stages, with the aim of raising attainment generally rather than as a strategy focusing specifically on the issue of gender equality. There were no direct funding implications.

iii. The implementation of the strategy

The use of SGCs is a strategy that has been used on a limited scale only and for a relatively short period of time. Furthermore, within each case study school there had been a lack of consistency in practice over a number of years. Changes in the teaching programme and in staffing, limited availability of consistent supply cover, differences in pupil cohorts year by year, as well as differences in teaching and behaviour management strategies (some of which were more effective than others), were all cited as influencing factors. Although in one school it was felt that there had been an impact on pupils in credit/general groups, evidence from other schools did not support this.

iv. The impact

The findings for each school are presented separately, using the same headings as for each case study, and an overview is provided.

School 1

In the first school, non-denominational in a disadvantaged area, the key findings from the school visits were:

Impetus: The impetus for this initiative came from a desire to raise attainment. The areas targeted for this were English and Mathematics, where Principal Teachers were expected to use setting.

Implementation:SGCs were implemented in S3 and S4, and the strategy aimed to target pupils in the middle range of attainment. In Mathematics, the strategy is also intended to tackle boys' behaviour and to allow girls a chance to participate: in this subject the whole year group had previously been dealt with but staffing constraints had seen the strategy limited to those in the middle range of attainment. There has been no specific matching of teacher and pupil gender, nor has there been expanded staff development in relation to gender issues, although discussion at departmental level and some staff development has been planned to look at teaching of boys.

Impact: The teachers held mixed views about the benefits of SGCs - some teachers found the boys' classes difficult to manage, though others expressed more positive views. One female teacher talked about being a role model for the girls in the SGC. The pupils also had mixed views. Some boys were slightly more positive about SGCs, especially with a male teacher, while some pupils preferred mixed gender classes. Both boys and girls expressed the view that they were conscious of what boys/girls might be being saying about them. More significant in the pupils' view was the relationship with the teacher.

School 2

The second school was also non-denominational, with a mixed, though stable, social background.

Impetus: The impetus for the initiative came from the Principal Teacher of English.

Implementation: The strategy involved SGCs across the whole year group in English: these were initially in S3 and S4, but were extended to include S2. There was no specific matching of teacher and pupil gender, although there was some staff development in relation to boys and learning.

Impact: The practice of having SGCs has now been discontinued by the revised setting arrangements introduced by new management. Staff held positive views about the benefits of single gender teaching for both boys and girls in terms of behaviour and attainment - particularly for pupils who were borderline credit/general.

School 3

The key findings from the third school, a denominational school drawing pupils from both urban and rural communities, were as follows.

Impetus: The initiative was coordinated by the Depute Head Teacher and a detailed evaluation had been conducted by a school development group. The main focus was again on the raising of attainment.

Implementation: Single gender classes were used in S3 and S4, once again in English and Mathematics, currently targeting pupils in the middle range of attainment. Reduction in the size of classes which this group attended and the timetabling of a coherent PE programme were associated issues. There was no specific matching of teacher and pupil gender, nor had there been any expanded staff development in relation to gender issues.

Impact: In this school, the teachers reported that the SGCs were more about behaviour - both boys' and girls'. For girls it involved tackling self-esteem and underachievement, building a 'can do' feeling and providing opportunities for them to participate fully in the class. Teachers also felt it gave them an opportunity to adapt strategies to boys' needs to help tackle the boys' behaviour in class routines: boys need a quick start, tasks right away, being set to work, providing more structure, more small steps. SGCs were about girls and boys not trying to impress each other. However, the school evaluation of the previous year indicated no discernible effect of the initiative on attainment.

It is important to note that SGCs have been used in a limited way in each of the case study schools and for a short period of time. The strategy has been limited in terms of subjects and in terms of targeting particular sets of pupils, predominantly the pupils in the middle range of attainment, although it had been used in one school across year cohorts S2 -S4 in specific subjects.

Further, the use of SGCs was focused on wider issues of raising attainment rather than specifically on issues related to gender and teaching and learning. In one school the idea originated from the Principal Teacher seeing this strategy as a possible way of raising attainment and it was introduced to the department as part of the task of setting each year group for the particular subject. There was no extended staff development related to gender issues, with only one or two instances of staff attending development courses on the issue of teaching boys. There was also very limited change in content to match more carefully the interests of either boys or girls. In only one school was there a coordinated development between two subjects where the intention was to reduce class sizes as well as timetable a coherent PSE programme. Discussion had been largely contained within the department, with some staff accessing recent articles and the work of another school. In only one school was the initiative related to wider school development processes and coordinated and evaluated. There were some common threads in the teachers' views:

• the issue of behaviour, particularly in S3 and S4, where boys and girls tend to show off in the presence of the opposite sex;
• S3/S4 was seen as an ideal time to use SGCs - although they were used with S2 in one school, some teachers had reservations about using them with younger stages;
• SGCs tended to be targeted at the middle range of attainment, with reservations about using it with higher- or lower-attaining pupils;
• they provided girls with the opportunity to develop confidence and to be able to speak out in class;
• in English it was felt that SGCs provided the opportunity to raise issues about emotions and experiences for both boys and girls in ways that would not have been easy in a mixed context;
• they provided opportunities to match content to boys' interests;
• they were considered by some as successful for boys in providing structure, short clear tasks and increasing motivation;
• some boys' classes proved difficult to manage, particularly where these were larger (~ 30 pupils); here there was a constant need to focus on behaviour. A lot of time was taken up with this and the pace of covering the course was consequently slower;
• in two schools there had not been any discernible impact on attainment; and
• in one school there was a view that attainment had improved to some degree.

However, there were differences in perceptions across teachers and schools. Some teachers thought it more enjoyable to work with SGCs, finding it easier to build up a good relationship and rapport. Others were less convinced and reported difficulties relating to behaviour in boys' classes. In one instance, a girls' class was seen as difficult to handle, but this was due to previous disruption.

For pupils, there were some common threads. There were mixed views in relation to their experiences - some pupils felt the SGC was good but others expressed a clear dislike of the system. Both sets of pupils talked about the influence of the other gender in mixed classes - concerns about what they 'would be thinking or saying about you if you answered'. Boys held the view that girls were dealt with more leniently in mixed classes, whereas girls tended to talk more about being able to give their opinions and not be embarrassed in the SGC. Some girls expressed irritation at the boys' continual bad behaviour, while other girls said it was boring without the boys and they missed their friends. For both boys and girls, the relationship with the teacher and attempts to make the lessons more interesting were more important that the SGC context. A good teacher was someone 'who made you work but also had a laugh with you'.

In conclusion, it is difficult to assess the impact of SGCs specifically on attainment. They were seen to be successful where there had been opportunities for the teacher to build up a good rapport with the particular class and to address the specific needs of that class, either through increasing boys' motivation or developing greater self-confidence in the girls and enabling them to engage in class talk.

4.6 Other reported initiatives

A small number of interesting individual case studies were identified by the project team from the local authority returns. Each tended to involve more than one strategy, with at least some element of raising attainment, often through improving pupils' aspirations and motivation. They were implemented on a whole school or stage basis and contained some element of gender-specific activity.

A. Theme: a flexible curriculum

Curriculum flexibility can be described as the strategies that schools and local authorities implement when designing a customised curriculum that:

• takes account of their own local circumstances
• recognises the requirements of their students and communities
• meets the needs and expectations of all learners
• meets the demands of stakeholders and society in general
• encourages increased achievement and commitment to learning.

( http://www.ltscotland.org.uk/curriculumflexibility /)

i. Background of the school involved

The school is situated in a comparatively affluent area on the edge of a major city, with most of the pupils coming from relatively advantaged homes. In addition, it takes pupils from two nearby housing estates, each with some measure of disadvantage. Approximately 95% of pupils stay on to 5 ^th year and 65% to 6 ^th year. Parents have high expectations, in the main, of their children and the school. The school, in turn, sets high standards of behaviour and dress for pupils.

ii. Initial impetus and funding

Some 5-6 years ago, an analysis of Scottish Qualifications Authority ( SQA) results had raised concern about the underachievement of boys, coinciding with wider concerns about boys and literacy. At that time various strategies were identified and implemented within the English department to encourage boys to read more, and more widely. From this, a more general strategy for raising attainment was developed. Initially, a limited number of boys-only classes were introduced in a targeted way, i.e. with boys who needed more intensive support. However, these were discontinued after 2-4 years and there is, at present, no desire amongst staff for SGCs and very little support from the senior management team for a return to this approach. Other measures taken to deal with underachievement are seen to be meeting the needs of pupils in satisfactory ways, without SGCs. Senior staff who were interviewed expressed a clear desire to make sure that any changes are justifiable in educational terms and to take staff and parents along with them in introducing new practices. The local authority is supportive but has not provided additional funding or staff to support the developments.

iii. The implementation

In the context of this specific school, curriculum flexibility involves: a modular structure to the curriculum, with shorter targets and blocks of study; class sizes, in the main, at maximum size, allowing greater resource to be allocated to those needing more support; and a timetabling procedure that slots in the 'smaller' subjects first and fits the core areas, e.g. mathematics and English, around these, thereby maximising choice.

The school has an inclusion policy, of which gender is an element. Raising attainment, and more specifically, achievement in national qualifications, forms a significant part of the school development plan and is on both the local authority's improvement and operational plans. In these, there is a particular focus on boys' achievement levels, most notably on literacy.

The initiative was originally driven by the depute head with responsibility for learning and teaching and all teachers within the school are involved. The original work in the English department was initiated and driven by the Head of Department as part of their response to the school development plan. The literacy dimension has diminished in prominence, with the national qualification dimension taking priority.

In 2002-03, the school replaced Standard Grade programmes of work and examinations, including National Qualification units for almost all subject areas, and is continuing to work to achieve this for all pupils and subjects. The pacing of units and assessment events is believed to offer a more coherent learning experience for pupils, encouraging more of them to study for Higher qualifications. In particular, the short timescale of the units is considered more appropriate for boys. Those interviewed agreed that the National Qualification units offered better continuity, coherence, pace and progression than Standard Grade, and had greater relevance to the Higher programmes of study.

The school has held a number of seminars and staff development events related to the initiative. In addition, there have been meetings with parents to share plans and aspirations and gain their support for the developments. The various strands of the initiative are integrated into everyday practice.

iv. The impact

The school monitored and evaluated the original initiative and the subsequent developments relating to achievement in national qualifications. The impact received considerable publicity, with the outcomes presented at seminars and reported widely in the press.

Copies of slides used in seminars and with parents showed clear educational arguments for the initiatives, including references to research findings.

It was stated that there was a belief among staff that gender is not the key factor: that there is a cluster of factors affecting attainment of which gender is only one, albeit a visible and important one. More recently the school has been concerned with the intersection of gender and other factors such as ethnicity and ability.

Staff interviewed thought that a particular strength of the strategy was the fact that it was a whole school approach that involved parents as well as staff and pupils. Changes had been made to the ways in which they communicated with parents at, for example, parents' nights. Considerable time had been spent on 'awareness-raising' and on consulting with staff, parents and pupils. This had been complemented by in-house staff development on related issues such as learning styles. On the downside, there were some subjects that did not readily adapt to the National Qualifications format.

They had encountered a number of obstacles, including the attitudes of some parents and staff who had not been convinced of the need for change. In addition, some parents held traditional views of appropriate roles and career options for their sons and daughters.

B. Theme: developing emotional literacy

One primary school had developed a series of strategies designed to address the very challenging behaviour of some boys: behaviour that was impacting on the attainment of those boys in particular and on the classroom climate generally. Unfortunately, the coordinator of the initiative was ill at the time of the study and, as a result, the report was compiled from a brief visit to the school to meet the headteacher and a telephone interview with the coordinator, supplemented by information from the school handbook.

i. Background of the school

The school is a denominational primary school which, in earlier years, had been a combined primary and secondary school. When the secondary department moved to its present location, the primary department remained in the original accommodation and was re-named. Its buildings are traditional and centrally situated. Many parents and grandparents within the community attended the school and maintain close ties with it. The area has suffered from a degree of deprivation in the past.

ii. Initial impetus and funding

The strategy had been developed to respond to pupils - mostly boys - in the later stages of primary school who had very challenging behaviour and who seemed unable to manage their own responses to situations. One pupil, in particular, gave cause for concern because of his lack of self-awareness and self-control. The headteacher and the behaviour support teacher (who was also a Primary 7 teacher) believed that there might be benefits in a more direct and sustained attempt to develop emotional literacy in some pupils. Accordingly, parents, pupils and staff were consulted. A high level of support was expressed and the initiative proceeded. No research was identified as contributing to the development.

Funding had been made available from the Scottish Executive as part of the national programme, Better Behaviour - Better Learning ( BB- BL) ⁵. This was used to provide cover for the Behaviour Support Coordinator who worked with the extraction group one morning each week.

iii. The implementation of the strategy

For one morning a week, the Coordinator worked with a small group of pupils extracted from their ordinary lessons. The materials used to develop emotional literacy were taken from the nferNelson pack designed specifically for that purpose. Activities and tasks aimed, for example, to enable pupils to develop empathy by encouraging them to appreciate the impact of their actions from others' point of view. The approach also aimed to draw parents into thinking more about their children's responses and how these might be developed to improve relationships.

The initiative was relatively small-scale, targeted and ad hoc in that it operated in response to the needs of particular pupils, as these emerged. At the time of the visit, the procedure had been suspended for the remainder of the session as it was felt that the need did not exist at that time. It would be revived if a need was identified.

The specific initiative on emotional literacy was linked to other approaches used in the school such as Circle Time. It was perceived that boys had particular difficulties in expressing views and feelings and that the additional support provided in an extraction group for one morning per week would enable them to function more effectively in social situations. It was hoped that their improved behaviour would have positive implications for other pupils in their class and in the school generally.

iv. The impact

The approach here was not intended primarily to address boys' under-attainment, nor was it targeted specifically at boys. However, since the extraction group was composed solely of boys, this school's experience reflects a wider situation where there is a significant gender imbalance in discipline referrals and in national exclusion statistics. Concern about boys' performance in school relates to a number of outcomes and not just to attainment. Better Behaviour - Better Learning makes explicit links between learning and behaviour and advocates more integrated systems of pupil support. In that policy context, the work here could be seen to address boys' attainment by supporting their wider development.

For the headteacher, the continued use of this strategy will require funding to enable the Behaviour Support Coordinator, a Primary 7 teacher, to be released from her class. The strategy is very dependent on this one teacher and it does not seem to be embedded in practice in ways that would allow it to function independently of that member of staff.

The initiative had not been evaluated in any formal way and its impact was difficult to track as some of the pupils involved had left the school. There was a possibility that the initiative would operate again should the need arise and the staffing flexibility be available.

C. Theme: 'Reach for the stars'

This particular strategy, Reach for the Stars (RfS), had been in place for approximately ten years at the time of the visit and so was well established within the school. The school had a policy which covered the initiative.

i. Background of the school

The school, a denominational secondary, has a mixed catchment area and is situated in a town close to a major city. The school roll is under capacity and accommodation comprises two main buildings with two huts, each containing two classrooms. The school is scheduled to have a completely new building financed under a public/private partnership arrangement. The new school will be built on the site of the current establishment and the school will move to temporary premises in 2006 when this work is due to start.

ii. Initial impetus and funding

'Reach for the Stars' has been established for 10 years. It was originally developed as a response to Promoting Positive Behaviour developments and had a focus on pupils in the first two years of secondary school (S1 and S2). There was a desire amongst staff to shift the focus away from punishment and towards the positive reinforcement of desirable behaviour. The strategy was designed to provide added motivation for all pupils, not just boys.

As with most of these strategies investigated, attainment data had been instrumental in initiating the change in practice. Both the headteacher and the depute head indicated that attainment levels within the school were in line with national trends; girls generally tended to perform better than boys in 5-14 outcomes and in SQA awards.

The main cost has been staff time and this was met through the creation of a post of responsibility - Principal Teacher (Ethos).

iii. Implementation of the strategy

The initiative involved all teachers, first and second year pupils and their parents and was managed by the coordinator and a team of teacher volunteers whose main role was to organise and run the award ceremonies which form an integral part of the strategy.

Approximately two years ago, the principal teacher ( PT) post in developing the ethos of the school was established, providing the coordination for the initiative (the RfS coordinator). In addition, there was a very effective system of distributed leadership wherein teacher volunteers cooperated to implement the various elements (the RfS team). All teachers in the school were involved, although their involvement was not considered to be demanding of their time and the administrative systems were simple and user-friendly. Involvement in the RfS team was regarded as a form of staff development.

The key aim of the strategy was to motivate pupils in S1 and S2 by providing a consistent, school-wide system of incentives. All pupils started with a maximum number of 48 points ( i.e. 4 points for each of the twelve subjects on their timetable), but these could be deducted by teachers in any subject. Therefore, the challenge for pupils was to safeguard those 48 points. Points could be regained or awarded in line with four criteria, i.e. pupils were required to be caring, prepared, positive and responsible.

In discussions with staff and pupils, two issues arose in relation to these conditions. Some staff felt that they might disadvantage boys by emphasising traditionally 'feminine' qualities such as caring. In the focus group with pupils, there was considerable discussion of these criteria in relation to the consistency of their application. Some teachers, it was reported, gave rewards merely if asked to do so, whereas other teachers required that 'you save somebody's life' before they would allocate rewards.

Award ceremonies were held approximately every 6 to 8 weeks and those who had maintained their tally had their achievement publicly recognised. In addition, teachers could give 'gold awards' and these, too, were recognised at the ceremonies. Approximately two thirds of pupils would receive an award at each ceremony and a letter would go home to their parents comparing their rating with the year average. The ceremonies were intended to be both educational and fun, and to this end a number of team games and activities were included.

It is readily acknowledged that the strategy is firmly rooted in behaviourist theory and emphasises the importance of rewarding the behaviour the school wants rather than punishing the behaviour it does not want.

iv. The impact

The approach here was not intended primarily to address boys' under-achievement, nor was it targeted specifically at boys: the strategy was designed to increase motivation to succeed in all pupils. While girls tended to attract more of the rewards, it was felt that the very structured and comprehensive approach to incentives served boys well.

There is ongoing monitoring of the strategy. The coordinator maintains a database in which all returns from teachers are entered. This enables the identification of patterns and trends and the analysis of these by the RfS team.

In the discussion with pupils, behaviour rather than ability emerged as a main distinguishing characteristic of boys and girls. It was also a key concern for the focus group, with one girl advocating that the school should 'put those who do not want to learn in a class of their own'. Girls were thought to worry more about their performance and to try harder. There was agreement between pupils (and some teachers) that boys were more optimistic about their futures. One S2 boy, for example, thought that boys generally believed they could always get an apprenticeship, even if they did not do well in school.

Pupils could not comment on whether the strategy had made a difference. It has been operating for ten years and is closely associated with their experience of the school. However, from the focus group discussion with pupils it was clear that the RfS strategy mattered to them. Pupils cared about their performance within it and enjoyed the award ceremonies.

Other schools have expressed interest in the strategy and some have visited with a view to establishing their own similar approaches.

E. Theme: streaming by ability

The final case study undertaken by the project team was on the impact of streaming by ability within a secondary school.

i. Background of school

The school, a denominational secondary community school, is located in a housing scheme on the edge of a city. It is housed in recently built and very attractive accommodation and was one of the first within the city to have its accommodation modernised and upgraded. The new buildings had much improved the school's image within the local community and beyond, and the Head of the Learning Community indicated that he believed there was a strong link between the quality of the physical environment and pupil attainment. At the time of the visit, the school roll sat at about two-thirds of its capacity.

ii. Initial impetus and funding

The strategy has been in place for four years. The initial impetus came from the outcomes of an inspection by Her Majesty's Inspectorate (Education) and the development of the follow-up Action Plan, in combination with wider concern and policy development relating to raising attainment. The key aim was to improve attainment levels of all pupils, which were below national standards. The initiative was not supported by any targeted staff development activity.

Any costs were met within the standard resources received by the school.

iii. Implementation of the strategy

The strategy centres on the policy of establishing a two-class accelerated stream within the school. It was originally pioneered by the Head of the Learning Community and is now embedded in the organisation of the school, and involves all staff and pupils.

Sixty pupils in each year are assessed as suitable for inclusion in the scheme on the basis of their 5-14 assessments. These pupils form two classes of 30, allowing some flexibility to work with smaller groups of the remaining pupils.

Alongside streaming, the school had adopted a number of other strategies for raising attainment. For example, a high priority was given to pastoral care, and two 15-minute sessions were used for mentoring groups of pupils each week. This time was partly devoted to encouraging pupils to think about themselves and their ambitions. Furthermore, the depute headteacher with responsibility for the inclusion agenda coordinated a system called Alpha where more pro-active support was given to pupils seen as being vulnerable. In addition, the pastoral care team, augmented by Classroom Assistants, offered a range of forms of support to certain pupils, including ICT programmes and counselling. A number of projects allowed pupils to engage in learning beyond the classroom. The intention was to support pupils to expand their horizons and to consider new possibilities for themselves .

iv. The impact

The school uses the established systems of local and national data-gathering procedures to monitor the impact. These indicate that the school has significantly improved its statistical outcomes for examinations, attendance and exclusions - outcomes that have led to considerable interest from the national press.

Three S5 pupils, all of whom had been in the accelerated stream, took part in a group interview. All three had very clear views of their futures in that they knew that they wanted to continue into higher education and, in two instances, were very clear and well-informed as to how they could achieve their aims. For example:

I am going to do an HND in Social Work and then I would like to do a degree in Child Psychology. (boy, S5)

The school reported that parents had accepted the streaming arrangements, even when their child had been placed outside of the accelerated stream. One member of staff believed that this was because they had always managed to convince parents that the school had their child's best interests at heart.

There is a further issue that emerged from discussions with teachers in schools which had attempted the implementation of single gender classes - the gender imbalances in attainment-set classes. For example, in one school in particular, the 'top' set had been largely girls and the 'bottom' set largely boys. Prior to the use of SGCs, there had been 22 girls and 4 boys in the 'top' set and 15 boys and 2 girls in the 'bottom' set. Thus there are issues, not just in relation to the under-achievement of some boys, but to the experiences of pupils - both boys and girls - where they are in a significant minority position in a class.

4.7 Summary

The case studies included in the project ranged from small, focused initiatives to authority-wide developments targeting specific sections of the education system and populations more generally. Looking across the reports, the key features to success appear to be that:

• gender is only one of a number of factors recognised by schools as having an impact on pupils' educational opportunities and achievement as well as future career possibilities;
• the initiative has a number of strands designed to address motivation, self-esteem and confidence and to challenge stereotypical ideas with regard to roles, choices and behaviour;
• there are sound educational reasons, that can be communicated to parents, for adopting new strategies and approaches (which were often grounded in an understanding of theory and/or research);
• there is a buy-in across staff, pupils and parents, with all three involved in the consultation, decision-making and the on-going monitoring and further development of the initiative;
• deliberate steps are taken to build the initiative into the day-to-day practice of the schools/authority; and
• there is ongoing monitoring that allows modifications and adjustments to be made as practices develop.

In addition, while some funding and the existence of a 'champion' in the initial stages were important, if not essential, these factors were not, of themselves, sufficient to sustain long-term development and success. Nor was it realistic to expect to turn around achievement levels, for example, in a short period of time - those strategies that showed the greatest return had been in place for a number of years.