Scottish Government

CHAPTER FOUR: QUESTIONNAIRE SURVEY OF TEACHERS

4.1 Introduction

4.1.1 A postal questionnaire survey was undertaken to elicit the views of Scottish teachers with regard to the experiences of minority ethnic pupils' experience of schools. The sample was stratified across the three school sectors of primary, secondary and special, as well as across the four Scottish authorities in the study.

4.1.2 Differently coloured questionnaires were used to identify the school sector whilst the authorities were identified by placement of an appropriate letter (A, D, E or G) in the top right hand corner of the first page.

4.1.3 It was stressed to those completing the questionnaire that neither individual schools nor individual teachers would be identified in the survey. Each participating school was sent a set of questionnaires to distribute to its teaching staff with a covering letter and briefing paper explaining the background. In order to encourage a good response, all questionnaires could be returned in an individual self-addressed envelope (SAE). There was a reasonable amount of space around the open-ended questions for teachers' comment and respondents were encouraged to continue any answers on a separate sheet if they wished.

The survey was to some degree a staggered one due to the drawn-out process of identifying which schools would take part but the returns were at their peak during the spring of 2002.

4.2 Survey returns

4.2.1 A total of 247 completed questionnaires were returned from the 1,055 questionnaires sent to the 24 schools. This represents a response rate of 23%. There were 12 nil returns. Several headteachers commented during the school interviews that pressure of work might have prevented a higher response. One school explicitly mentioned that they had allocated a slice of teaching time for their staff to complete the survey. Another school returned a single questionnaire on behalf of all its staff, stating that their staff had completed the questionnaire jointly as part of a staff meeting.

As returns were made anonymous to maintain confidentiality, it is not possible to tell if a particular school returned more forms than others.

4.2.2 Throughout this chapter, except when otherwise stated, the analysis of the 247 returns are presented as percentages. Where column totals are provided in tables these normally total 100 except when affected by rounding up or down.

The four authorities in which the Study was conducted accounted for survey responses in the following proportions: Authority A 25%; Authority B 27%; Authority C 19%; Authority D 29%.

4.2.3 In sector terms 58% of returns were from secondary schools, 30% from primaries and 12% from special schools.

4.3 Analysis of questionnaire responses

Subsections 4.3.1-15 report upon the responses made to questionnaires issued to schools.

Question 1: Does your school operate a policy for multicultural/anti-racist education?

Table 4a

When asked if their school operated a policy for multicultural/anti-racist education (MCARE), over 70% of respondents indicated that they did. 35% indicated that the policy had been developed by the school itself (Table 4a).

26% of all respondents indicated the policy had been developed by the local authority and a further 10% that it had been a joint initiative with the school.

When questioned further regarding the nature of school policies in place, 15% of total respondents indicated that they were aware of a stand-alone policy on MCARE for their school, but this does not quite concur with the documentary evidence obtained. The majority of school documentation submitted did not indicate that many schools had separate MCARE policies nor were the MCARE aspects clear within many policies received. The documentation supplied by the schools revealed that in the majority of cases, MCARE was subsumed under broader aspects of policy such as inclusion, equal opportunities, anti-bullying and school ethos. Questionnaire responses do not therefore appear to concur with the documentary evidence. The most likely explanation is that a significant number of the respondents came from a selected number of schools, most of which either had explicit sections on MCARE within their generic equality or inclusion policies or had stand-alone policies.

Question 2: If you answered 'yes' to Question 1, how familiar are you with the policy?

Table 4b

While 71% of total respondents indicated that a school or local authority policy was in place (Question 1), 30% indicated they had read the policy but had no cause to use it, while an equivalent number had used it either occasionally or regularly.

The respondents who were aware of MCARE policies provided examples of how they had used the policy. The range included using the policy to put in place provision for translation of school letters, facilitating the expression of minority ethnic viewpoints in discussions, ensuring the logging of racial incidents and developing ways to encourage minority ethnic parents to become active in the school community.

The numbers who had neither read the policy nor had cause to use it was high - 45%, as was the 'no reply' category at 25%. The question to consider here is whether non-usage or lack of knowledge of a MCARE policy translates into a lack of consideration for MCARE issues in learning and teaching practice. This would clearly have an impact on the school experiences of all pupils in the classroom, most specifically, that of minority ethnic pupils.

4.3.3 Question 3: Please tick boxes to indicate from which of these groups you have minority ethnic pupils in your class(es).

Results in descending order

Table 4c Distribution of Minority Ethnic Pupils in Respondents' Classrooms

Though relatively large proportions of teachers have encountered minority ethnic pupils, the frequency with which they did so has not been ascertained.

Forty different nationalities were cited under the category 'other', and these are listed in Appendix 3.

4.3.4 Question 4(a): Do you consider that ethnic minority pupils have different learning needs?

Table 4d

77% of respondents indicated that they believed minority ethnic pupils had different learning needs and most teachers indicated that they took account of these learning needs, as indicated below.

4.3.5 Question 4(b): If you answered 'yes' to Question 4, can you give examples of ways in which you take account of the learning needs of minority ethnic pupils in each of the following areas: classroom practice, curriculum, assessment, pupil support, home-school links?

Of the 77% of respondents indicating that they believed minority ethnic pupils had different learning needs and indicated that they took these differences into account in the key areas listed :

66% (51% of all respondents) cited classroom practice methods such as :

• adapting worksheets to allow for language difficulty and diversity
• use of black and North African presenters in French language videos
• talking more slowly, making language simpler and more direct, using an interpreter
• greater use of visual aids, pictures and symbols

60% (46% of all respondents) cited curriculum approaches, offering examples such as:

• trying to avoid an exclusively 'western' focus in the curriculum
• using 'multicultural' texts, e.g. the diary of Anne Frank
• reviewing aspects of the curriculum such as sex education
• promoting community languages in the school

50% (39% of all respondents) cited approaches to assessment such as :

• allowing bilingual pupils to sit SQA language exams ahead of schedule
• being aware of potential cultural and linguistic biases in assessment tools and procedures

62% (48% of all respondents) mentioned pupil support activities such as :

• greater use of one-to-one teaching, extra instruction and individually-tailored programmes
• pairing a child with a 'buddy' who speaks the same language

48% (37% of all respondents) referred to home-school link measures such as :

• sending letters home in an appropriate community language
• encouraging dual language reading at home and use of the first language in written work
• open-door policies regarding parents
• involving parents in multicultural and linguistic workshops utilizing translators

4.3.6 A selection of quotes from the respondents illustrates contrasting situations, with some teachers getting to grips with the issues and others expressing difficulties in managing a host of competing demands:

Our ethnic minority pupils are usually from 'academic families' and tend to be quite bright and fairly confident anyway.

A Chinese girl is top of my class, her English is excellent.

I am not trained for this and my whole time is spent trying to get my British pupils to pass their exams.

I suppose I do try harder with youngsters of other race in terms of social inclusion.

Our school is overloaded with pupils who speak no English or speak it very poorly.

A Libyan boy speaks no English but there is nothing for him to do.

A child with no English has been put into my science class. ... I can do nothing for him except to appear kindly disposed.

I asked my class today and they felt it [race] was not an issue. I teach many disadvantaged children from deprived backgrounds and difficult home circumstances.

Notwithstanding some of the concerns and dilemmas in the section above, it is encouraging that some teachers are adapting practice and looking to ensure the curriculum takes into account the diversity within the pupil population. However, it is important that approaches are constantly appraised to ensure that they are consistent with what is identified as positive practice within multicultural and anti-racist education. Again there is a need to assess beyond the boundaries of this study if this practice is universal or remains 'ad hoc'.

The last quote might reveal that all is well but could equally suggest that harmony (silence) is no indicator of racial justice. The learning point for us is not to become complacent when or because problems do not appear to manifest themselves.

Responses also indicate a continued need for staff development to enhance teacher confidence in working with a diverse range of pupils, and, specifically, in addressing language issues to ensure access to the curriculum. The linkage made by teachers between English as an Additional Language (EAL) provision and pupils' ethnicity suggests a focus on those minority ethnic pupils whose English language proficiency is at a relatively low level, are seen as causing a problem in the classroom. Enhanced EAL provision is viewed as vital, but so too are the needs of minority ethnic pupils who are 'native' to Scotland and fluent in English. The fact that teachers appear to equate questions about ethnicity mainly with EAL issues rather than relating ethnicity to generic race equality issues or issues of identity requires to be addressed.

4.3.7 Question 5: Can you give examples of ways in which you apply anti-racist education in the areas of classroom practice, curricula, assessment, pupil support and home-school links?

The proportions of total teacher respondents indicating where they applied anti-racist approaches were as follows:

65% cited classroom practice as an area in which anti-racist education was applied, offering examples such as:

• never letting any hint of racism go without comment
• encouragement of pride in bilingual and multilingual skills
• creating displays with appropriate themes, such as 'one planet, one people'

55% referred to curriculum as a site of anti-racist activity in such fields as:

• teaching about the value of difference in pupils' backgrounds and experience
• participation in multicultural events
• ensuring a place for world sports and hobbies
• class discussions focusing on the sharing of different beliefs, backgrounds and cultures
• visits by police and refugee council personnel
• linking with schools overseas
• avoiding racially offensive material and checking for stereotypes in resources
• the study of relevant topics such as the Holocaust and the life of Martin Luther King Jnr
• visiting mosques and other places of worship

23% referred to assessment but no concrete examples were offered.

33% offered examples in the pupil support field such as:

• buddy systems
• lunchtime and after-school help groups

26% referred to home-school links and concrete examples cited were:

• encouraging minority ethnic parents to mix with others at social events
• allowing minority ethnic pupils time off to attend relevant cultural and religious events

Respondents provided a range of examples on how they were contributing to the development of anti-racist practice. Some were more pertinent than others for application in schools with well-constructed and resourced strategic approaches to countering racism and promoting race equality. The better examples were those which demonstrated that they were providing opportunities for the discussion of race legislation and of racism as either a topic of study or as a moral issue.

However, there was still some confusion about whether race issues ought to be raised when pupils themselves were not spontaneously discussing the issue. One respondent cited the following as an example of anti-racist practice:

Avoidance of reference to race unless pupils are happy to volunteer.

It is difficult to interpret what the above quote means. The respondent viewed it as an example of applying anti-racist practice. It could be that the respondent was trying to say that they would not single out minority ethnic pupils to discuss race issues unless the pupils themselves volunteered the information. On the other hand, it could be argued that the avoidance of the issue of racism is not anti-racist. In the absence of clarification from the respondent it is important therefore to note that teachers require more opportunities to discuss and to learn constructive and effective ways of raising the issue of race equality and racism with pupils.

4.3.8 Question 6(a): Do you see Education for Citizenship as offering potential for the promotion of racial equality?

Table 4e

Just under half saw the potential of Education for Citizenship for promoting racial equality and were able to cite some examples. The small minority of 4% indicated explicitly that they saw no potential and the 43% of 'don't knows' may indicate that many teachers are as yet unfamiliar with this curricular area.

4.3.9 Question 6(b): Do you see Education for Citizenship as offering potential for the prevention of racial discrimination?

Table 4f

A slightly smaller number saw the potential for citizenship education for the prevention of racial discrimination than did for the promotion of racial equality.

The examples offered included such comments as:

If this did not try to counteract racism it is not citizenship.

All races are represented on a pupil council.

Education about rights and responsibilities will go far towards promoting racial equality.

A good education will lead to respect and tolerance of other beliefs and values.

Again, views varied as to whether issues of race and racism should be addressed openly, directly and systematically or should be tackled only as they arose. There was also some disagreement about the age level at which race equality matters could best be raised.

Some found the citizenship materials very dry and uninteresting whilst others thought the issues were already tackled within other contexts.

We already have a unit which tries to develop attitudes of respect, tolerance and appreciation of other perspectives.

A fairly high number of respondents could see how Education for Citizenship could assist with the promotion and prevention of racial discrimination. However, there was a range of understandings of how this could occur in practice, for example, from using it as another curricular opportunity to discuss issues of racism and racial discrimination to one that promotes tolerance and respect. This study is not able to assess to what extent current school discourses on respect, tolerance and mutual appreciation tackle issues of race equality. Such discussions could quite easily avoid consideration of racism unless specifically addressed.

4.3.10 Question 7(a): Please indicate the type and frequency of racist incidents which you have dealt with over the last twelve months?

Indications of the type and frequency of racist incidents dealt with over the previous twelve months as indicated in teacher responses.

Table 4g

The percentage of non-responses ranged between 6 and 18 per item. To simplify the table above, the respondents who ticked 'never' are excluded and the remaining responses added together. The rank order of incidents according to frequency is:

Table 4h

The most commonly occurring incidents involve the spoken word. The least common incidents were those of organised racism involving incitement, recruitment or the display of insignia and other materials.

Under 5% of the most commonly occurring incidents occur weekly, but more seriously, just over 10% of responses indicated 1-2 physical assaults a year.

4.3.11 Question 7(b): Can you outline where those incidents mainly originated (e.g. pupils, staff, etc.) and who they were aimed at (e.g. other pupils, staff, ethnic minorities in general)?

66% of respondents provided a response. Just under 5% of those responding referred to staff racism.

One teacher reported that more racism originated from one or two ignorant teachers than from pupils. Another teacher indicated that most racist remarks were made by staff in the staffroom.

The following quotes from half a dozen other respondents also indicated their views that, in some cases, teachers were the source of racist remarks or attitudes directed towards minority ethnic pupils and/or their families.

Staff (aimed) at pupils.

Staff (regrettably) towards ethnic minorities.

I find most racist remarks are made by staff in the staff room.

I have heard staff tell racist jokes in the past.

Comments (were) made to parent by staff member (dealt with through staff training)!

Comments by staff indicate prejudices. ... But in many cases (staff and pupils) the prejudices lie below the surface. This leads to isolation.

One (staff) member (promoted/guidance) referred to pupil as 'half-caste'. (Comment made at a departmental meeting; member of HMI inspection team present). Another member of staff said (within naming distance of a pupil new to English, 'Does she not understand any English?' (I) raised one issue at a departmental meeting (with) a member of senior management. ... (I) raised the other issue with senior management member. Both teachers appeared to be unaware of insensitivity of remarks.

Others cited anti-English verbal attacks on staff, while others pointed out the graffiti in surrounding streets. There were also incidents between different ethnic and religious groups.

There is a need to continue actively to educate against the usage of racist terminology such as 'Pakis' and 'Chinkies'. The myth that these terms are harmless and part of the Scottish vernacular is debunked in the Scottish Executive campaign One Scotland. Many Cultures.

A worrying issue to arise from the respondent comments relates to racist remarks made by staff and the level of ignorance that appears to occur within staff groups, as reflected in comments made in the safety of the staff room. There is a need for employers and initial teacher education providers to be very explicit about the unacceptability of using racist terminology or the making of racist comments by staff.

To what extent are racist comments and innuendo in staff rooms condoned? This may be a case of professional complacency or, at worst, collusion that needs to be addressed.

The issue of racist comments made to staff, in particular, to English members of staff suggests a need to be more explicit about anti-English racism. Anti-English racism is often trivialised, marginalised and then made invisible. Xenophobic comments about the English are often seen as not as grave as comments about Asians, Africans or other visible minorities when in fact they are serious and cause immense hurt and upset.

Other respondents emphasised that racism usually results in exclusion and isolation from peer groups.

4.3.12 Question 7(c): Please outline the strategies used when you have had to deal with racist incidents.

Respondents cited that there were written warnings to staff members but as one respondent poignantly reminds us, 'a child never forgets when an adult calls him names', thus reminding us that the damage is done.

Where pupils were concerned only the most trivial incidents (in the eyes of the victim) stayed within the department, almost all incidents were referred to guidance or senior management. In most cases, respondents stated that incidents were recorded in a discrimination log.

Sanctions mentioned included writing a letter of apology, detention, loss of golden time, making pupils produce a report on another culture to be presented to the headteachers.

However, some respondents also cited proactive work designed to build bridges, reduce prejudice and challenge discrimination. Work was put into valuing rather than ridiculing cultural differences and role play was employed as an anti-discriminatory approach. Another respondent reported that their school marked its cultural diversity with a celebration every year promoting different ethnic backgrounds. Yet another suggested that it was important to bring a contemporary understanding to the issue, for example, to explain the rationale of immigration as a much needed development to reverse Scotland's declining population.

The range of responses would suggest that teachers try to strike a balance between imposing sanctions and employing creative and imaginative solutions to the problem of racist behaviour.

4.3.13 Question 8(a): How satisfied were you with the way in which the incidents were handled?

Table 4i

4.3.14 Question 8(b): In your opinion, how satisfied with the handling were those affected by the incidents?

Table 4j

The majority of those who responded were happy with how the incidents were handled. There was a slight drop in the figures for the satisfaction of those affected by the incidents.

An example was given of how progress was made after the incident was addressed. At the end of the process, the abuser and victim forged a friendship. Others also commented on involving the children to help seek solutions, while others cited the need to bring in interpreters to assist communications between home and school while seeking a resolution.

Some teachers acknowledged the time and effort put into the handling of such incidents but feared the undermining influence of parental attitudes in the home.

4.3.15 Question 9 : Please give details of your formal and informal professional development over the last two years in the area of multicultural/anti-racist education.

Table 4k

Almost half of the respondents had been offered some informal staff development in the previous two years. 48% said some further training was needed.

Provision on offer to date for staff development on race equality included:

• Staff meetings held to discuss introduction of multicultural policy
• Paired teaching to model use of new multicultural resources
• Undertaking M.Ed. modules, e.g. social justice and inclusion
• Closer working relationship with EAL unit
• Training from education department and a local anti-racist project
• Courses on literacy and bilingualism
• In-service training days with asylum support staff
• Updating on relevant developments

4.3.16 Question 10: What further training in the area of race equality do you consider that you need?

Respondents indicated a need for further training in race equality in the following areas:

• Ways of handling serious incidents without the anxiety of being misinterpreted
• Keeping up-to-date with terminology and discourse
• Gaining opportunities to learn community languages

Most respondents wished to have regular staff development to keep up-to-date with terminology and contemporary discourse on racism and race equality.

However, it is important to comment on the respondent who indicated that social inclusion was a more pressing issue. A key consideration relates to the extent to which social inclusion incorporates an analysis of racism and race equality. Failure to achieve this would mean that social inclusion is analysed and developed with non-racialised lenses resulting once again in the needs of minority ethnic people and pupils from lower socio-economic groups becoming invisible under the generic heading of 'social inclusion'.

4.3.17 Respondent profile

The section on ethnicity is difficult to analyse as the questionnaire asked for self-classification. The majority described themselves as Scottish or British and fewer than half (40%) classified themselves as White. To ensure anonymity and to protect confidentiality there will be no individual labelling of the very few who did describe themselves as from a visible minority ethnic group. Though it is not possible to derive accurate figures from returns, it is assumed that the respondent group matches the teaching profile of Scotland which is predominantly white.

In terms of age, the majority of the sample was over 35, which approximates to the age profile of the 1998 Scottish teaching workforce statistics held by the Scottish Executive. The proportion of males in this sample was just under the equivalent figures for the Scottish population. In relation to ethnicity, there were, at the time, no nationally held statistics on the teaching force for use in comparisons.

4.4 Conclusions

4.4.1 The survey of 247 teachers in the four Scottish authorities provide an illuminative though not generalisable picture for Scotland, since it is based on an urban-based, non-random sample where selection criteria allowed for access to schools with specific characteristics ( see 1.3.1).

4.4.2 70% of respondents indicated that they worked in schools which operated a multicultural and anti-racist education policy and 35% stated that the policy had been developed in the school. However, this does not concur with documentary evidence which did not provide much evidence of multicultural and anti-racist education policies, either stand-alone or merged with generic equal opportunities policies. Only 13% of teachers stated they had read and used a race equality policy regularly. 17% were occasional users, while 45% said they had never read nor made use of such a policy.

4.4.3 Citizenship Education was generally seen as a means of contributing to the prevention of racial discrimination. Quite a number of respondents saw Education for Citizenship as another curricular opportunity to discuss issues of racism and racial discrimination.

4.4.4 Racial incidents manifested themselves in many ways although the most common was the spoken word. The least common were those which entailed organised racism involving incitement, recruitment or display. Racism among colleagues was identified and while only a small minority of respondents cited this, it was forcefully articulated. The issue of anti-English racism was also mentioned in the context of pupil-to-teacher comments.

4.4.5 Professional Development is still needed in the area of race equality with nearly half who responded saying some further training was needed to:

• keep them up-to-date with terminology, contemporary discourses on racism and race equality
• cover ways of handling serious racial incident.