Scottish Government

CHAPTER SEVEN: PUPIL PERSPECTIVES - Issues and findings

7.1 Introduction

7.1.1 The 2001 Census and the 2002 Scottish Schools Census were discussed in Chapter 2, but it is worth reminding ourselves that, across Scotland, three in every hundred pupils are of minority ethnic background, with higher proportions in primary and special schools. Moreover, the minority ethnic school population is diverse in two ways: first, there is always more than one minority ethnic group in each of the main Scottish cities; second, the balance between groups varies, between cities, and especially between schools. Although the Census data does not, as yet, allow us to study the situation in individual schools and localities, we know that the proportion of minority ethnic pupils and groups is markedly different, there are a few schools where minority ethnic pupils are concentrated, and others where they are 'the only ones'. The dominance of the 'mainly white' experience is so significant that it is critically important for the voices of minority ethnic pupils to be heard. How else can teachers know what they make of their social contexts and the impact of institutional policies? Their aspirations for the future are matters of importance, not just for their individual life chances, but also for racial harmony and economic advancement in Scotland.

7.1.2 This chapter reports the results of an investigation which explored the views of minority ethnic pupils in Scottish schools, giving them an opportunity to compare experiences with each other and to be taken seriously. Given the rhetoric of 'social inclusion' in current political discourses of government and institutions, like schools, it is appropriate to reflect on the extent to which young people's perspectives are evidenced in policy formulation, such as the educational reforms, which affect them directly. Are they 'included' or are they merely informed after the event?

7.2 The importance of listening to the voices of minority ethnic pupils

7.2.1 The literature that is available is dominated by studies of young people's lives. For example, their performance in schools (Gillborn and Youdell, 2000), gender effects in employment (Mirza, 1992), the effects of institutional racism on the exclusion of black boys (Bourne et al, 1994) and the experiences of young Asian children (Bhatti, 1999). These reports are written by adult researchers about young people. What is noticeable is the paucity of material that is owned by young people, that gives prominence to their voices and in which 'they speak for themselves'. A similar point is made by Watson et al (1999) in relation to disabled children.

7.2.2 One of the single most important issues to emerge from current research of minority ethnic young people is the gap between what they experience and perceive, and what is known and understood by most of the professionals who have authority over them and who influence the environment in which they live and study. Hampton (1998) successfully captured this gap between the real life experiences of young Glaswegians who spoke about the everyday racism that they encounter and the indifference and inaction demonstrated by their teachers and the police in particular. O'Connor et al's preliminary reports (2002) describe real differences in ethnic identity between minority ethnic and white young people. Cline et al's recent study (2002) of the experiences of minority ethnic pupils in mainly white schools in England found that many minority ethnic pupils 'play white', while many teachers minimise the significance and the value of cultural and ethnic diversity.

7.2.3 Such a gap in teachers' understanding and experience of racial discrimination prevents them from responding to what is happening to their pupils. Undoubtedly there are problems in the way of free-flowing dialogue in daily school events, particularly between isolated minority ethnic pupils and teachers who are seen to be in positions of power. But, if that understanding and communication does not exist, then teachers will remain unresponsive to minority ethnic children for whom racism is a dominant force, though not the sole aspect, of their daily lives in Scottish society.

7.2.4 The decision to include a consideration of the experiences of minority ethnic disabled pupils raised even more complex issues because of well-documented methodological dilemmas that abound in disability research, even before confronting the compounding effects of issues of race and ethnicity. As was mentioned earlier, we found well documented evidence that indicates that white disabled children experience high levels of social control and discrimination in schooling because of environmental, structural and attitudinal barriers to their participation in mainstream education. Whereas minority ethnic disabled young people are likely to share many of the experiences of discrimination encountered by their white disabled peers, they have also been found to carry a double pathology of race and disability by their teachers (Allan, 1999). Patel's recent small study (2002) is a good starting point for exploring minority ethnic disabled children's experiences of their daily lives. To what extent was it going to be possible, within the remit of this piece of research, to explore the complex issues that surround the discourses on race equality and disability and how might mainstream disability research influence this task?

7.2.5 In their report of a seminal study of the lives of disabled children, Watson et al (2001) have argued that much research into disabled childhood has frequently excluded the voices of the young people themselves as research has focused on the perspectives of parents, professionals and other adults. They developed a conceptual and methodological approach which was highly productive in giving disabled children a 'voice' in articulating their perspectives within the broader discourses of rights, inclusion and citizenship. We have greatly benefited from their research and list some of the key features in their findings which are of interest to a study which aims to understand the experiences of another social group who are known to experience social exclusion.

7.2.6 Watson et al report that:

• The categorisation of children as disabled also formed part of the adult world which bounded children's experiences. Such labelling often involved disability as a dominant status, where other differences or similarities remained muted or unattended to, and everything related to a child being explained by their impairment.
• The children themselves were more ambivalent about the use of the category of 'disabled', both in relation to themselves and to others, suggesting their perspectives were based on experience and context.
• Their understanding of the importance of variables such as gender, ethnicity, impairment, social class and locality on these young people's capacity to be independent social actors was again drawn from detailed analyses of their experiences and cultures. However, they also state that issues of ethnicity were often overlooked by providers of services. Interestingly, they were able to highlight the way gender and ethnicity were ignored in most services for disabled children as impairment operated as a dominant status. For example, in one area, a service for children with Downs syndrome was part of a school on an estate with a history of racial violence, which meant that black and Asian families were reluctant to send their children there.
• While the majority of disabled children were male, most workers in special education were female. This suggests that there is a lack of role models for boys to emulate.
• Disabled children are capable of identifying good practice. Our data suggests that where children encounter disablist practices in schools, they should be encouraged to put forward their own solutions to their problems. If given space, they are capable of empowering themselves where they encounter teachers and other adult helpers, provided these adults reflexively question their own practice.
• A key strategy they identify is for teachers and others to be flexible in their response to children for whom disability is only one aspect of their lives. The children themselves recognise that they are different, but, as they make clear, this difference only becomes relevant at certain times and in particular contexts.

7.2.7 One of their conclusions is of particular interest. They argue that, at the core of the disability dilemma, was a tension between the ways in which difference was constructed and reinforced alongside an imperative to assimilate. On the one hand, children were constantly reminded that they were essentially different from their non-disabled peers, whilst on the other, they were compelled to adopt the behaviour, the ways of speaking, the ways of walking which most closely approximated that of non-disabled children.

7.2.8 Whereas this study of minority ethnic disabled pupils does not permit such an in-depth analysis as that conducted by Watson et al, there may be commonalities in terms of the forms of social exclusion experienced by both disabled children and their minority ethnic peers. To what extent was it going to be possible, within the remit of this research project, to explore the complex issues that surround the discourses on race equality and SEN? How might the researchers create opportunities to allow young minority ethnic pupils in general a voice in sharing their experiences and what methodological issues does this raise for the design of the study?

7.3 Aims and methodological issues

7.3.1 Researchers face a number of methodological dilemmas about how to communicate the essence of what young people say and feel without further disempowering them. It was certainly an issue for this team of researchers who asked young people to give up their 'free' time to come to talk about the impact of race, ethnicity, cultural and religious diversity against a background of racial tensions in global events. Throughout the conduct of the research, a conscious attempt was made to live up to the principles in the SABRE Code (2001) which states that the research:

Values and addresses the diversity within the black & minority ethnic population and recognises the inter-connections with colour, age, gender, disability, sexuality, culture, class, language, belief, context and other socially defined characteristics.

Acknowledges the 'power-relations' inherent in social research processes, e.g., between 'white' and 'black', 'researchers' and 'researched', and families and communities.

7.3.2 As this research study was intended to be a rapid 'first trawl' across minority ethnic groups in four Scottish authorities, it was not possible to contemplate ethnographic research of the kind developed with such effect by Troyna and Hatcher (1992). Instead, the focus group research method was chosen as it offered maximum possibility for engaging with minority ethnic young people in exploring the problematic issues at the heart of this study. Hampton (1998) was particularly successful in eliciting the active interest of the young people in her study by using this approach. Additionally, as group meetings with young people were to be held outside the normal environment of school, it was envisaged that the participants would have a genuine space to speak freely, without their teachers or parents being present, or of individual schools being identified. By being a member of a focus group, individuals would have more opportunity to share experiences and analyses with their contemporaries than they would in the solitude of an interview. The only exception we made was in the case of the disabled students who were interviewed individually. In all cases, great care was to be given to ensure anonymity of participants as many were likely to be the 'only one' or 'one of just a few' in their schools and neighbourhoods.

7.3.3 Several key issues were considered in advance when designing the enquiry and ground rules were established to guide all the researchers involved in fieldwork:

• No attempt would be made to access young people through the schools which were involved in any component of the research study.
• If free-flowing commentary were to be developed, then pupils and schools should remain anonymous. Indeed, offers by schools to arrange interviews with their own pupils were to be declined.
• Minority ethnic community groups in the four authorities would be asked to identify pupils willing to participate.
• Pupils (and parents and teachers) were to remain anonymous so their statements would not be cross-checked for proof of what they were saying.
• Group facilitators would be student teachers who, as visible minority ethnic people, had had personal experience of being pupils in mainly white schools.
• As much as possible of the flow of discussion would be captured by means of tape-recorder and transcription as well as note-taking.
• Detailed briefing notes were prepared for managing the conduct of the focus groups meetings so that maximum coverage of the topics was assured, in line with the aims of the project.
• Notes were taken at the time and verbatim transcriptions made from cassette tape-recordings of each group.

7.3.4 Exhaustive efforts were made to ensure the highest ethical standards in researching young people's lives. Letters explaining the study were sent in advance to the parents of the pupils nominated for the focus groups. All the groups were to be facilitated by the student teachers, or other members of the team, who had been cleared by the Scottish Criminal Record Office (Disclosure Scotland). The facilitators would work in pairs, female with male, and always with at least one of the minority ethnic members of the team. All focus groups would take place in safe places that were known to the participants and readily accessible by public transport. We would try to limit each group in size to ten participants.

7.3.5 Within the resources available, it was only possible to attempt a small-scale enquiry of minority ethnic disabled children's lives in a way that is relevant to them, acknowledges that they are 'experts' on their own lives and are capable of speaking for themselves. It was decided that individual interviews would be attempted with a small sample of disabled young people. Access would be negotiated in partnership with MELDI.

7.4 Profile of focus group and case study participants

7.4.1 In all, 96 pupils participated in 11 focus groups in the four authorities. They were accessed through community routes, not through the schools themselves. There is therefore no 'matching' of schools with pupils, on the contrary good representation of young people from all the visible minority ethnic groups (including those who are most frequently overlooked in studies to date) was ensured. Out of the total who participated in the focus groups, 50 were female, 46 were male, 23 were African, 17 Chinese, 3 Bangladeshi, 10 Indian, 20 Pakistani. There were 10 'Others', 2 Asian, 2 British, 1 European, 4 Malaysian, and one each from South Africa, Sri Lanka, Kazakhstan and Vietnam. In every focus group the participants were from different schools, at no time did the study focus on the schools that had been pulled into the research net via teachers. Though it was hoped that there would be no more than 10 per focus group, focus groups ranged in size from 3-14 participants. However, most groups were organised to ensure that the ages of focus group participants were fairly close. Groups were organised for 11-14 and 15-18 year olds.

7.4.2 Five families of disabled children were contacted. After meeting the young people concerned, Q was identified as a potential candidate for a case-study. He was enthusiastic to participate in the research study. Q is a 19 year-old male, born in Scotland of Pakistani ethnic background. Q was suggested by the staff of MELDI as someone who was a 'product of the Scottish school system' and keen to share his views. The interview, which lasted an hour, took place in Q's home. Members of his family were present, though not in the same room after the start of the interview. The interviewer and MELDI development worker are members of Scotland's minority ethnic community.

7.5 Emerging themes from the focus groups and case study

7.5.1 The success of the focus group approach was soon evident as the young people responded positively and engaged in lively discussion of the key issues. It soon became clear that at the start of each meeting, sufficient time needed to be given to introductions and explanations before the participants were satisfied that they understood the purpose of the exercise and were confident to speak freely. Time was also required for interaction among the young people themselves as they talked to each other about the issues that most interested them.

7.5.2 The transcribed material from the focus group meetings and interviews was critically analysed in order to identity major themes that would be of relevance to policy and practice in schools. This was achieved in spite of the fact that the speed and intensity of participant debate was sometimes more than could be captured minute by minute by our recording equipment. The capacity of the facilitators to keep up with debate was stretched to the limit. The 'noise' of several participants talking at once, comparing notes, often in local youth dialects that were unfamiliar to the group facilitators, means that there are gaps in the transcripts. The pace and intensity of discussion created the dilemma for facilitators of going with the flow or intervening in order to cross-check detail and challenge what were sometimes strong statements.

7.5.3 The research team was determined to preserve the richness of what young people had said by privileging their own words in this report. It was argued that this was justified because this was the first study to investigate the perspectives of minority ethnic pupils in Scottish education, something of which participants were aware, and which led them to ask about the benefits that could result from their efforts. Also important is the prospect that the voices of the young people could provide a powerful staff development resource for the professionals who have the authority and power to bring about the changes that are needed.

7.5.4 At the heart of this discussion is the question of whether young minority ethnic pupils in this study felt that they are valued and accepted members of an inclusive education system in Scotland. How did they perceive themselves, the schools that they attended, their experience as learners and their futures? What did they make of the national debate about social inclusion and inclusive education? The sections below consider comments that conveyed understandings and perceptions of social inclusion, ethnic diversity and race equality in minority ethnic pupils' experience of schooling. The analyses from the focus group meetings are presented and discussed under the following themes.

7.6 Experience of social exclusion in Scottish schools and wider society
7.6.1 Schools are racially inclusive communities
7.6.2 Racist incidents
7.6.3 Ethnic identity
7.6.4 Bilingualism
7.6.5 Faith
7.7 Developing social inclusion in schools
7.7.1 Having a positive school ethos
7.7.2 Having good teachers
7.7.3 Pupils' suggestions for improving school practice
7.8 Citizenship and anti-racism

7.5.5 The interview with Q, a young disabled man, is reported as a single case-study (7.9). It should not be regarded as conclusive evidence of the state of SEN practice in Scottish schools but as an opportunity to learn from the insights of a minority ethnic disabled young man who has received the whole of his schooling in Scotland. Q speaks enthusiastically about his experiences of school and college and his aspirations for the future.

7.6 Experience of social exclusion in Scottish schools and wider society

7.6.1 Schools as racially inclusive communities

From the outset, it became clear that pupils were eager to compare notes about their developing identities, their experiences of schooling and their lives outside school. For many of the participants, the notion of an 'inclusive school' seemed remote and they continually questioned whether there were schools that were successful in doing this through knowing, understanding and valuing the different heritage languages spoken at home or the faiths and traditions within which different minority ethnic young people live.

Only a few pupils lived in areas where there was a large majority of minority ethnic (mainly Asian) pupils. They were mostly 'the only ones' of their ethnic group in the school, or among just a few visible minority pupils. They were conscious of being perceived as 'outsiders', even though they may have been born in Scotland. They felt that colour, country of origin, language and religious background were determining factors in whether they were accepted as belonging. Though they preferred otherwise, they seemed resigned to the fact that the schools that they attended were overwhelmingly white, in staff composition and school ethos. They were conscious of the institutionalised barriers to racial equality that existed in the education system and remarked on the invisibility of minority ethnic teachers as potential role models.

I think it would be nice to have teachers who are more mixed.

You know, who look more like us.

Well, it would be the same as us then.

It would be more comfortable.

They might understand you better.

If we had Chinese teachers and you don't understand something, you could ask that teacher and he or she will explain to you, help people with English … I've got some cousin friends in first year and they just bunk off, picked on by people [who] make fun of them. It would be different if we had some Chinese teachers. They don't talk to the teachers, they don't like to ask the teachers for help.

Where there were minority ethnic teachers, the way in which these members of staff were treated by some white colleagues and pupils did not go unnoticed.

We have got one teacher, she comes to people who don't know how to speak English, she does Urdu and languages like that. The teacher, all the boys make fun of her and annoy her and don't let her pass, just because she's Asian and wears Asian clothes. Once, in French, she was trying to go past, all the boys were annoying her and pulling her scarf because she wears a scarf as well. And they didn't let her go past and she talked to the teacher about it and Miss X goes 'It's nothing to do with me. go to someone else', and she just ignored her. She was standing there. It's only one Asian teacher, we've never had an Asian teacher before.

Here was an instance of an Urdu-speaking teacher who, in the views of pupils, had been grossly humiliated and unsupported by her colleague. Was this an instance of racism or a tired colleague who didn't have the energy to intervene? What is perhaps significant is that the incident had been noted by the pupils concerned and led a number of the participants in this discussion to question whether they would be prepared to pay such a price if they were ever to become teachers.

7.6.2 Racist incidents

All the participants, without exception, had experienced everyday racism and wanted to talk at length about what they had experienced or witnessed, of how they found friendship as well as racial prejudice, support as well as alienation in their daily lives. The team promised the young people anonymity and therefore we are unable to record in this study some of the most harrowing examples of racism we heard. To do so would run the risk of identifying the individual. The majority of young people recounted experiences of racist incidents, name-calling, harassment and bullying in social relationships in their neighbourhoods, in the city centres, while travelling to and from school and other environments.

What constitutes a 'racist incident' continues to be disputed and a range of interpretations were present in the discussions. It is useful to recall the definition offered in the Macpherson Report (1999) which states that 'a racist incident is any incident which is perceived to be racist by the victim or any other person'. How then might the following examples be rated by those who have authority over the young people who have voiced these complaints below?

The bus driver - sometimes I get name-called on my way to and from school in the buses.

Just small things like you can't go anywhere without somebody making a comment or looking at you. Example was when my friends said, 'That's the worst school you could ever go to, 'cos it's all black' . I was surprised, I was shocked that they say that to me.

There's a couple of kids that live in our area and one, she's always coming up and she asked if she could, like, come into our house and play with our little sister. And my mum said 'No', and she said 'Why?' and she started asking questions. My mum asked to see her mum, and she said 'No. Because you're black and my mum doesn't want to speak to you.' So it was kind of like 'Well. We don't know what to say.' My mum just broke away and said 'We have to go back now.' She's only a small girl, so she wouldn't understand what's really behind the words.

Because she's Chinese. She gets picked on quite a lot. They say quite a few things about her. It's bad, but not that bad, we deal with it ourselves and move on. Name-calling. Or if you're passing through corridors, standing in your way, pretending they haven't seen you coming.

These are examples that were seen as 'not the worst' and quite common in the daily lives of young people and all had found ways of dealing with such incidents. But the most difficult situations that they found were the ones in which teachers displayed racist attitudes, especially when it appeared unintentional.

I used to have a teacher always referred to me as 'Mohammedan'.

We watched a video and some guy made a comment that black people don't like to be called 'niggers' but they refer to themselves as 'niggers' when in a group and talked about my ancestors. I was called 'negro' by my music teacher, but I don't think she meant it in the context. I don't actually know if she knows she's not supposed to say that word, but she didn't mean it. I figured that if I did bring it up, then she'd probably get into more trouble. She was quite elderly. Most older people don't know what to say. Young people do know not to say certain words.

In my old school they showed what happened to someone who got racially bullied and the result of it. And it was quite horrible to watch because they had gone completely crazy and were scared to go to the bathroom by themselves because it had been that bad. So they taught us not to bully or be racist to anyone because it is quite horrible. When they show these sort of things, everyone gives me short glances and it's like 'What are you looking at? This has nothing to do with me. It's just because of my skin colour.' I thought there would be a couple of glances but I didn't think there would be as many glances as there was. But it was quite embarrassing because I was the only coloured person in my class. I don't think she quite realised, because the class would be here and she would be there. The teacher sat at the front, if she sat at the back or in the middle so she could see everyone, it would have been better. Now I would tell the teachers this time. I would tell them 'Please could you speak to the class because they keep giving me short glances when an anti-racial video comes on and it's quite embarrassing. So could you please?'

My least favourite subject is PE because the teachers whenever I play basketball, the teacher gives me priority over everyone else because of my colour. I don't find that helpful because it's not a challenge for me any more because she likes doing the stuff for me. She pushed me ahead of the other kids without knowing it. It's just a kind of reflex or something, so if I was to bring it up and say 'By the way, I think you're treating me different from everybody else', then I don't think she'd take it very well. Word gets around and all the teachers start being strange. All the teachers talk. Like if someone's been doing well, then they all start discussing the person. Or if someone's been doing badly, send a letter home, they start discussing what's been happening in class and all that.

It was geography and we were studying third world development and the second the teacher said 'Third world, including Africa' everyone was just, like, slowly looking straight at me and I just felt kind of awkward 'cos I didn't know what was going on. And then I realised what she had said. She was making a poster and had the devil and an angel and she had this white girl with fruit and a black family from Africa, so people think of it as hell.

The ease with which individual participants could relate examples of everyday harassment among their peers within the focus groups could mask the pain they felt. In some instances, during these discussions, individuals displayed their hurt, humiliation and anger, especially when they recounted how teachers had failed them. The dilemma that they faced as visible minority ethnic pupils seemed clear to some who expressed the view that they either were expected to come to terms with the fact that they will experience prejudice and discrimination among their classmates, and learn the skills of defusing the situation, turning it around, or they must move into acceptance, fit in and tolerate the intolerable. In other words, they were expected not to be 'so sensitive', to 'carry chips on their shoulders' and to just 'get on with life'. It would be entirely inaccurate to conclude that these young people remain passive in colluding with the unacceptable behaviour that is perpetrated by members of the general public or those in authority over them. On the contrary, they were keen to compare notes on dealing with situations outside and to come forward with their own solutions to such problems.

More serious, and difficult to resolve, is the problem of teachers who 'pick them out' from among their peers. On many occasions, participants tried to sort things out for themselves.

There was one person, we were watching a video, about meditation, and everyone started doing meditation and this girl, she thought they were all making fun of her and she was about to go to guidance and everyone told her it was a joke and it was nothing serious.

I once stood up to someone because I couldn't take it any more. There was this boy, he used to get chewing gum and I used to have this huge Afro. So the problem was, I used to walk and he would go and throw it in my hair and then he'd go 'Oh look. A plane has crashed in your head.' And I was like 'There's no need and that.' And then I was just walking away and he goes 'You fucking Paki' or something like that. So then I go 'I came to this country, I came here to work and I'm not going back because of poofs like you' and then I just walked away. He stopped annoying me after that. Most of the time you have to deal yourself. If you go to a teacher, the teacher talks to the person - the person hates you more. They think you're weak because you go to the teacher.

Asked whether they would ask their teachers for support, they seemed ambivalent about the advisability of doing so. The role that teachers play in dealing with racist incidents is discussed later.

7.6.3 Ethnic identity

According to participants, it appears that their teachers and peers alike either lack the confidence or knowledge to engage positively with diverse ethnic communities.

I think they feel uncomfortable, like they don't know what to say on certain things, like do they call me black, or do they call me coloured. Like they don't know how to refer to me. My first day there, I was then the only black person in the school and they were saying 'No, she's not black.'

They don't know - even my close friends - don't really know where I actually come from, or when I came here or anything. It's as if they don't want to know.

Lack of understanding gave rise to stereotypes about cultural origins and community groupings. A number of participants expressed annoyance where teachers or peers made stereotypical assumptions about their identities on the basis of their colour, country of origin and 'visibility'.

There's an African boy in first year and everyone thinks I am his big brother.

There was an older girl at school and everyone was like 'Your cousin. You two know each other.' She's not my sister.

7.6.4 Bilingualism

A large proportion of participants lived in communities in which various heritage languages were used in daily cultural life. Those who described themselves as 'bilingual' felt that there was no real value given to their bilingualism. On the contrary, they were made to feel 'exotic', asked in front of the whole class to 'say a few words in your language'. It was extremely rare to find a pupil who was being supported in studying their home language for examination. Indeed, many resented the fact that they were required to learn French when they would rather give the time to studying their own home language. This was especially so if, as a result, it meant that they were required to study their language in supplementary classes after school or at weekends.

Like the foreign language, we didn't have any choice in that at all. Why not put Chinese?

7.6.5 Faith

Generally, there was concern that faiths, other than Christianity, were not given much coverage, though schools that had a mixed intake were seen as far more successful in addressing world religions represented in Scotland.

We learn about different festivals like Eid and Chinese New Year, but we do not celebrate it.

There should be Eid parties. There's all discos but no Asians go to the disco.

Most people in the school know roughly when the Chinese New Year is.

We don't have any cultural activities. They try to mention Chinese New Year and stuff, but they don't like to do anything about it. There's so few of us, no point in celebration.

Participants were aware that one consequence of a school's failure to recognise religious diversity is that they, and their families, are put in difficult positions. For instance, if the school will not give 'official' time out for festivals then the parents may collude in pupils 'being sick'.

I don't think it's fair that we should celebrate Easter and Christmas and not ours.

Divali - you don't get days off. You just don't go to school.

For Eid, I asked my chemistry teacher if I could take the day off. But she said 'No.' Everyone knew it was Eid on the Thursday, but my chemistry teacher just told me 'Come in and celebrate Eid in school.'

If you say you're ill, it makes life a lot easier. I think I'm the only Muslim person in my whole school. On Eid day, nobody knew about Eid.

You can phone in and your parents tell them that you're ill.

Some complained of the dependence that teachers placed on minority ethnic pupils to improvise if religious festivals were to be celebrated.

It's Eid coming up, but I wouldn't want publicity that much. I felt like I was being put on the spot, in the spotlight and everyone is looking at you.

See the Eid show, it is obviously planned by an Asian.

7.7 Developing social inclusion in schools

The purpose here was to explore how, in the view of the pupils, schools should be developing in order to include 'all' pupils, that is, those of every language, faith and ethnic group.

7.7.1 Positive school ethos

A number of pupils did not share the views expressed by other respondents about the existence of racism and felt that this depended on whether the school had a good ethos and recognised the diversity of pupils.

There's not really that much racism, you get the cool people and the weird people. In our class, it's like the people who make a fool of themselves, the people who are really smart and clever and people in the middle like me, so I don't know whether to make a fool of myself, and then it breaks into smaller little gangs, they think they're really tough.

In my class there's three coloured people, so it's OK. My friends don't really mind, I'm quite lucky in my class, nobody's really racist. There are a few people doing bullying without knowing it, but nothing serious. They think it's a joke, but then they don't think about the reaction of the other person.

We do watch videos in our school, but I think our school's really multicultural. I wouldn't say there is much racism at all. I'm the only Indian person in my year, and nothing like that happened to me.

Everyone in our school does mix. I like the atmosphere when everyone is mixed, girls, guys, when everyone is mixed and everyone has got their own opinion and everyone is speaking to each other.

One participant, praising his school's efforts to recognise diversity, spoke about feeling free to choose.

In our school we have this thing called Diverse City. Every year we have this performance at night and it's multicultural, with performances from around the world. We have Chinese dance, Indian dance, and I'm doing it next year. I'm doing bagpipes. I think I'm the only black [bagpipe] player.

Another spoke approvingly of the school making an effort, even when they got it wrong in the first instance.

They have Chinese names on the wall, like teachers' names. But they didn't know it was upside down, they stuck the name upside down. Then they put it the right way round. It's nice to know they want to get involved with us and put labels for new people coming to the school, who don't even know where to find the principal's office.

I train for the school football team, that helps … Makes you belong - you got friends, part of a group.

Others spoke about divisions, even gangs, and about the need to learn how to find your way through the groupings that formed.

Our school is socially divided. There's cool and there's cool, you're either in or you're out and the people just do not care. If you're in the cool people, you're classic stereotype, you don't listen to anyone, they really don't care, they think they can control anyone, throwing chewing gum in their mouth when they know the teacher is watching, sticking their feet up on the table.

There's just gangs. The first day you go to school, you decide the group of people you're going to hang out with.

Some were critical of the tendency for visible minority pupils to stay together. They wanted the schools to do more to bring pupils out of their enclaves.

A lot of the Chinese people, Indians, Pakistanis, they all hang round in groups, like a lot of people don't mix, they all stay with people of their own nationality whether in or out of school and I would encourage the teachers to encourage those people to mix with other different types of people in the year. I think that is one way of building up racism, by staying in a group of people of your own nationality. It starts stereotyping and stuff like that. Get them to sit beside different people in classes. Have group discussion in class, you can maybe pair them up and mix cultures, so they would talk, find out their personality and they will want to be friends with them. I think it all starts in the classroom and then it will continue out of school.

You won't ever see an Asian guy speaking to an Asian girl like he speaks to a white person. You'll never see that.

There was also recognition that if they could handle some situations with skill, they could reduce the problems.

If you don't drink alcohol, you're not cool. I tell them straight 'I don't do that' and they shift away but then they come back. They are nice generally.

But some problems just cannot be solved because the essential provision is not made.

Every Saturday all the young Muslims aged about 12-25 all come together to play football.

Muslim girls can't do that much here. Like swimming, girls can't do that, Muslim girls can't go into a mixed swimming pool. There's nothing for the girls, there used to be something.

7.7.2 Having good teachers

Most of the participants were eager to succeed in their studies, to gain qualifications that would allow them to embark on a career and to overcome the racism they expected to encounter in the labour market. So, the quality of teaching mattered greatly to them. Their discussions revealed a remarkable consensus about how they could recognise a good

teacher, someone who not only knew their subject well but who could also keep order in the class and hold their respect.

The second we walk in the room, if you're a new teacher, we can tell what you're like. If you start shouting and everything, people will hate you instantly. If you're fairly strict but start joking around, then they'll like you. But if you're soft and start all 'Hi' and really act nice, then we'll rip it out of you.

You can tell by the teacher, he can be right strict to the guys, if they don't work and don't listen to him, he takes action. He's culturally aware as well, he knows many languages.

Two participants in particular spoke with wisdom about the problem that younger teachers face.

You find that older teachers, who have been there for ten or fifteen years, they know how to keep the class quiet. And they say 'Be quiet or you get a row', if they're taking over a different class and don't even teach the subject, they still have control of the pupils. Some of the newer ones, it's not so easy for them. I suppose it's coming with experience.

What she was saying is true because my school is full of young teachers who just come over on training courses and they stay about three years. They don't know how to control pupils.

In the later stages of discussion, after participants had compared notes on difficult situations, sometimes caused by teachers who meant well but did not understand the implications of what they were doing or by teachers who were just not good teachers, an obvious question to ask was whether they thought they could identify 'bad' teachers.

They pick on you and ignore you.

Like the art teachers, they kind of stay together and they don't really mix with others and they talk behind each others' backs and sometimes they'll mention something about another teacher, like they don't teach well. If you're open with the art teachers, they'll give you advice, but then they'll laugh at you, they'll go to another teacher and tell them what you've been saying.

Not everybody's born to be a teacher. It's like some of the teachers I have are just like they're not teachers. They can't teach people, they can learn things themselves but you're not fit to teach people. It's so annoying for the pupils 'cos they're going to end up with bad reports and look like they're really dense, but they're not. It's because they've had a bad teacher.

If participants could achieve such clarity about good and bad practice in teaching then did they ever feel that they were dealing with teachers who were actually 'racist'? What criteria did they use when making such a judgement? In the focus groups, they revealed that they would consider a teacher 'racist' if s/he displayed prejudiced discrimination, neglecting or downgrading a pupil for no reason other than their 'visibility', picking on one minority group. They did not class all teachers as 'racist'. In fact they reserved this description for those who stood out as being unfair because of racial prejudice.

A new geography teacher, she allowed her to observe our class, and she went through everybody and all of a sudden around my desk, she done a wee loop, and then done somebody else and completely ignored me. And I needed help, and I put my hand up. And then she does the same with my sister as well. She ignores her, she doesn't help her, she shouts at her for not talking, she shouts at her for not adding her comments and stuff like that. And, in her report, all the teachers gave her good marks, but just that teacher, dropped her right down. And everybody was fine in the class, it was just her, something wrong with her.

She didn't judge me knowingly, she judged me by the colour of my skin. She wanted to give me an average report, which wasn't fair. Which was racism because I'm not like an average person, I'm me, and individual. She didn't give it to me on my personality, on how I acted in class, she gave it to me on my skin colour. She wanted to give me an average mark, like the rest of the class, so she gave me an average report which wasn't fair, because I didn't do average, I did well. So she cheated me.

Our teacher was off, so we got that teacher. There were five Asians in the class, and we were standing outside and he came and started shouting at us, and then the bell rang, so he pushed me and my friend says 'I'm away' and he grabbed and pulled him back. And then he took me in the room and he pushed me twice and then he chucked me outside and put all the girls inside and I opened the door and just slammed the door. I got referrals for threatening him and remarks and swearing. Me and another three boys, we changed teacher, we don't get him any more, so we don't have any problem. But whenever I walk in the corridor, he looks daggers at me.

So, would they tell their teachers if they were encountering racism? One participant spoke for many when she said, "I'm not sure they would want to know."

Only guidance teachers emerged from the discussions as a key to problem solving. Many spoke with praise of the warm response they had found when they dared to go to the guidance teacher with a problem. Above all, they welcomed a rapid and skilled response, but it was important also that they were kept informed.

I've actually had a bullying problem in the past, and obviously it was a guy, so it made it worse for me. I did go to the guidance teachers for a lot of things, they were approachable but I feel it dragged on for far too long. It dragged on for about six months and it was unnecessary, because he was using racist comments. I mean it was in school and out of school. And my family helped me and the school didn't really help. It took so many times, and eventually it wasn't just the name calling. I had shaving cream smeared on me and I went straight to guidance and said 'Look what he's done.' I thought this totally uncalled for, it wasn't like a bullying case where I provoked it - it wasn't at all. So I was a bit miffed about that and the school didn't do anything. It took them so long to get it done, it took them until something physical happened. They could have stopped it the first week it was happening. At the end he was going to get charged by the police for doing that because that was actually physical. Everyone knew and even his friends were just like 'That is totally wrong. You should not have done that.' Even his own friends were turning against him.

I never let it ruin my life. He's so sad, you know, he needs to get a grip. Because if someone gives it to me, I have always been taught to give it back twice as hard. He knew I wasn't afraid of him. I was just a bit cheesed off that it took 6 months for them to deal with it. They called the police and that scared him off and then because he was being racist to several other Asian girls, they just expelled him. Never Asian guys, because they are older than him and they would just kick the crap out of him. It was always to girls his age and younger than him. I never got told anything. I was kept in the dark all that time and, all of a sudden, I found out that he was expelled. I should definitely have been told that, 'cos how am I to know if they're taking me seriously or not if they don't tell me. If anything else was to happen, I don't think I would really go to the school. I would deal with it with my family.

7.7.3 Pupil suggestions for improving school practice

Finally, participants were encouraged to make recommendations about how things could be improved:

Teachers should listen to pupils.

It's not my colour that matters, it's my personality.

You either like me or you don't.

It's not our fault if we are of a different colour or the way we are.

How would you like to be treated like that if you are different race?

Message to bullies. Just leave me alone - what have I done to you?

I want more people of the same background in one class - so that you are not on your own all the time.

Don't just stand there and cry, tell someone so that they can deal with you.

I think every teacher everywhere in Britain should be equal, because now we are a multicultural society and they should be equal to every single people, to every single community. I think they should reflect on giving us holy days, our equal right.

They should get more white people and black people mixed together in groups - then talk about it properly, get to know each other, get to know a lot of other people. If you bring white people in, we'll have a better point of view because it's just like one side.

They need to learn how to deal with people of different ethnic backgrounds. I think we should be involved in, like, teacher training or something. Just to get them, like, in the know about how to deal with different people. Roughly, they should just be educated on people's backgrounds so that they know where to step and what not to say. What might offend someone if they're trying to teach someone something.

7.8 Citizenship and anti-racism

Though no specific questions were asked in the focus groups about education for citizenship, one of the issues that teachers taking forward Education for Citizenship should note was the reluctance, or lack of interest of those taking part in the focus groups, to engage in the wider discourses of race equality such as 'institutional racism'. Young people appeared to have a crude understanding of race equality or racism where such issues were often related to racial bullying or the learning of different faiths or festivals. The majority, if not all, did not appear to be aware of the social and legal reforms following the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry and the RR(A)A2000. After discussion, some did begin to identify the need for anti-racism to permeate all their school work but these conversations were not readily offered. Young people knew about racism from their own personal experiences but they did not appear to have been assisted to contextualise such experiences. There were one or two young people who were far more vocal but this was due to race equality issues being discussed frequently and openly within their own homes. This study would suggest that all concerned with education policy and practice, HMIE, local authorities, schools and individual teachers should consider how Education for Citizenship can empower all pupils to engage in the global concerns regarding race, racism and antiracism.

7.9 A minority ethnic young disabled person's experience and aspirations

7.9.1 Case study of Q

Q is a 19 year-old male, born in Scotland of Pakistani ethnic origin. He was nominated by the staff of MELDI as someone who was a 'product of the Scottish school system' and keen to share his views. The interview, which was conducted by a minority ethnic researcher, took place in Q's home. Members of his family were present, though not in the same room after the start of the interview. The discussion lasted an hour during which Q spoke enthusiastically about his experiences of school and college and his aspirations for the future.

Q was enrolled at the same predominantly white mainstream primary school that his older sisters attended and, after leaving high school, "I was sent on a course for 'Special Needs' students at a FE college." Q was dissatisfied with this decision and has since secured the opportunity through MELDI to choose a subject area that he is interested. He is now enrolled on a Computer Studies course at another college. The main impression that came across to the researcher was of a young man who has a clear understanding of his capabilities and social context. Throughout the interview, Q was able to reflect on his years in primary and high school and recounted the instances of 'isolation', 'unfairness', 'discrimination' and racial bullying which he had experienced. Despite the barriers that he has encountered throughout his childhood, Q has maintained a strong desire to learn, the ambition to have a career and to succeed in life. A number of themes emerged from the interview, all of which have relevance for schools.

7.9.2 Identity

When the researcher met him, Q described himself as having 'learning disabilities', though he seemed ambivalent about the use of this category.

He was, however, aware that this was how he was seen throughout his time in his mainstream school, though he was unsure whether he had a 'Record of Needs'.

I was slow, not catching up with work in class … always not putting my mind to the work and dreaming.

Q remembers that he was a premature baby and that the doctors told his mother that he was disabled. He said that his motor and language development were slow, particularly in the first four years, and that he started primary school a year late because his mother did not know what provision was available. She had not received any form of support from any social care agency until recently when she joined MELDI. The past year in his new college and his contact with MELDI had empowered Q to express his views with confidence and he is also actively involved in campaigning for the 'rights' of disabled people. He said he wanted to share his views so that other pupils would benefit.

I would say to them they must ask for all the support that they can. Because if they have got the support in the school they should ask for it. They have the right to have it as well.

Q was equally ambivalent about his ethnic or racial identity. He remembers that he was "the only coloured boy" in his class and says that as he got older in secondary school he became aware that there are ethnic minorities. He knew from home that he was Pakistani and a Muslim. He thought that the school paid little attention to minority ethnic issues, "as there were a few of us there". Q did not receive EAL support, an issue which raises a number of questions about the impact that this may have had on his academic performance.

It is difficult to judge which of Q's multiple identities prevailed in decisions about his educational and social needs, though it would be valuable to ask whether Q's identity as a disabled child masked attention to his ethnic and cultural needs. Equally important is how young minority ethnic disabled persons construct their own identities and the extent to which schools recognise and support them in this. Minority ethnic disabled children may be more ambivalent about the use of the two categories of 'disabled' or 'minority ethnic'.

7.9.3 Educational success or alienation

It was evident from listening to Q, and his family, that they placed a considerable value on education as a means of improving his life chances. Q had memories of the early years in primary school, which he recalled were 'happy enough'. It was the later years when he went to the high school which was a period of his life that was not only the most recent, but was also the experience that had the greatest impact on achieving his goals in adult life.

When invited to talk about his experience as a pupil in the schools he had attended, Q commenced by praising his teachers whom he described as "very kind teachers, polite." Whilst he said that both schools were helpful, he showed a strong sense of judging whether his secondary school had met his educational aspirations. Reflecting on whether his whole experience of schooling had been a happy one, he said.

Yes it has but not in the way that I would really want it to be a happy experience. I wanted it to be a really happy experience where there would be no bullying … no abuse or anything … happy like with the highest grades.

During the first years of high school, it seems that Q and his parents had been told that he was doing well. It was only much later when he had the hard evidence of examination grades that he begun to realise that matters were not well.

Over the past few years the Scottish Executive has pledged itself to raising standards for all pupils, including those like Q, who may experience barriers of learning. Whether or not his teachers were right in their assessment of Q's capabilities, he appears to have been left alienated by what he perceives as his lack of success in school and the additional barriers that these have caused in reaching his goals. All mainstream schools in Scotland have received guidance on the provision of learning support and this was something that Q had long experience of throughout his schooling. He felt that his primary school had supported him well and that he was learning in school but he now questioned what had happened in high school.

I found out in my second year that they have a learning support team in the high school and I got well through second year but not enough support which I wanted to … because later on when I found out in my fourth year when my grades came out I didn't get the good grades that I really wanted to get.

Q continues to regard the lack of learning support as the main reason why he could not stay on to the end of the sixth year of school and that this in turn has had negative effects on his prospects for preparing for a career of his choice.

I had to leave at the end of fifth year. My teacher was saying that I wouldn't cope with the work … and another thing was that they couldn't give me all the support that I needed. And I said that I wanted to do the computer kind of courses like IT and computing and administration. They said I couldn't do it because they didn't have it at Intermediate level, only as a Higher.

Q's experience raises a number of questions about the notion of 'educational success' as it relates to minority ethnic disabled children with SEN. How do schools give due regard to a pupil's disabilities as well as issues of culture, ethnic, faith and language? How are pupils like Q actively involved in decisions about setting their educational goals and in evaluating their achievement?

7.9.4 Transition to adult life

Over the course of the past few years, the Scottish Executive has paid particular attention to the issue of transition to post-school provision for young people with SEN. As pupils approach school leaving age, it is recognised that some are at risk of failing to gain equal opportunities to further education or training to gain employment. However, as the experience of Q illustrates, much needs to be done to avoid the sense of disappointment that can be caused by the failure of schools to adequately support and, most of all, listen to young people.

I went to X College for a year and it was a special course for students who had learning disabilities. I left after a year because it wasn't what I was preferring. I wanted to do computing and office work all the time but they said I had to do all the different courses. And in the summer holiday I did a placement and it didn't go very well because it wasn't interesting. I was in the Sick Kids hospital as a porter and I just left. I said I couldn't stand it anymore. It was boring. So I told them I wanted to drop the course … In the beginning it was my guidance teacher who forced me to do this course. She said you should do this course. It is for your kind of people who have learning disabilities.

I would prefer to have a career in computing. Since I have been at high school I have liked computing and computers and doing typing. I hope to have a career in computing office or office management or some kind of business or something.

7.9.5 Racism

Q was not immune to bullying and racist behaviour from children in both the primary and secondary schools that he attended.

In the third year he started doing it [bullying] again … it got much worse by saying racist jokes about my culture and religion and things … he started bullying me … picking on me every time I came out of class.

Asked how the teachers dealt with such behaviour, Q said.

Yes, they [teachers] did deal with it a few months later … I was scared I did not want to tell them … but when I told the deputy headteacher he just spoke to the student … he just told him off again … he gave him a warning, not anything else … So he was doing it again. After the subject teachers found out that he was bullying me they told the headteacher and the headteacher called him and called his mother and the police at the same time. And he got charged with racial abuse … I was happy it stopped.

7.9.6 Home-school relations

Q is the member of a close family. They have offered him strong encouragement and material support. He thought that both his schools had not listened to his mother's views and recounted a meeting (possibly a Future Needs Assessment) which his parents had attended.

At the annual meeting, my doctor was there, my psychologist was there and my therapist was there and the learning support teacher was there. And my parents were agreeing with me saying that I wanted to stay on till the sixth year and all my teachers were saying you cannot stay on. My doctor had an argument with them saying why can't he stay on, he could try it but they didn't listen.

Asked whether he thought that his parents were treated unfairly because of their ethnic background he answered.

I am not sure. Sometimes I now think it was but I am not sure.

7.9.7 A single case-study cannot be taken as representing the wider situation in respect of provision for minority ethnic pupils in Scottish schools. Nevertheless, what Q has offered is a rare glimpse of the factors that have shaped his life as a pupil and student and the barriers that continue to impede his life chances and goals. In the absence of research about the lives of minority ethnic disabled children in Scotland and the lack of ethnic monitoring reported by the Auditor General (2003), Q's experience has much for teachers and policy makers to reflect on.

7.10 Conclusions

Listening to pupils has raised a fundamental question. How can mainly white schools become 'good' schools for visible minority ethnic pupils, schools in which they feel welcome, secure, valued and ambitious, included with their peers, proud of their diversity, allied with their classmates and teachers in challenging racism?

The onus for change is on white staff who must learn new insights and new skills in handling issues, as and when they arise, because the ethnic profile of Scottish society is changing and minority ethnic communities respond to the local, national and world developments that are impacting on them. Some of the most important learning must be done through listening to the young people who, as visible minorities, experience, observe and comment among themselves, and share with their friends, but who are not often asked by adults to talk in a situation that is structured in ways that allow them full opportunity to report on the issues most important to them.

The main conclusions that can be drawn from the research with the young people are, as follows:

7.10.1 Minority ethnic young pupils are eager to succeed in their lives and education and impatient about any barriers that are put in their way, whether by pupils or teachers. The behaviour of pupils and teachers is what was uppermost in their minds.

7.10.2 Racism, both direct and indirect, is a feature of daily life for minority ethnic pupils. The latter feel that there is a gulf between themselves, who know everyday racism from first hand experience, and their teachers who cannot know, are disbelieving, or unwelcoming about the reality of their lives in school and outside.

7.10.3 There are differences of gender in the experiences of minority ethnic pupils. More girls spoke about constraints on them in secondary school. Their range of choice was often less.

7.10.4 The experience of social exclusion is complex and multifaceted. At the core of the dilemma of the 'invisibility' of minority ethnic pupils is a tension between the ways in which 'ethnic difference' is constructed and reinforced by teachers and schools alongside an imperative on minority ethnic pupils to assimilate to mainstream Scottish society. On the one hand, they are constantly reminded that they are essentially different from their white peers, whilst on the other, they feel compelled to adopt the social norms, the ways of speaking and belief systems which most closely approximate that of white children. There are striking similarities in the forms of social exclusion and discrimination that are experienced by disabled young people (Watson et al, 1999).

7.10.5 Where young people encounter racist practices in schools they are capable of actively putting forward their own solutions to institutional problems.

7.10.6 The severe under-representation of minority ethnic teachers in schools is a serious impediment to creating 'Inclusive Schools' across Scotland.

7.10.7 They distinguished between clumsy discriminatory behaviour that seemed to occur frequently in the classroom and was something they could forgive, less acceptable were incidents, which they interpreted as more blatant displays of racial prejudice, by some teachers against a group, or discriminatory practices in the assessment of their work. These teachers were regarded as 'racist'.

7.10.8 There was variation between participants when they discussed their respective schools. Some clearly felt that there was a lot of 'mixing' that they valued, others were aware of social divisions and of the different dynamic when there were more minority pupils and some clustered into their own ethnic groups.

7.10.9 Q's experience raises a number of questions about notions of 'educational success' as it relates to minority ethnic disabled children with SEN. How do schools give due regard to a pupil's disabilities as well as issues of culture, ethnic, faith and language? How are pupils like Q actively involved in decisions about setting their educational goals and in evaluating their achievement?